His son.Jayavarman III, came to the throne សោយរាជ្យ young,was an elephant hunter,and die after ruling "Wisely"in A,D 877. the writer who provided this information had a special interest in continuity,after all,with regard to the Devaraja cult,for the Sdok-Kak-Thom inscription presumes,
perhaps mistakenly, that the ruler who patronized the Devaraja cult was the legitimate and unique ruler of Cambodia ,this may have become the case,especially after the middle of tenth century,but it is interesting that Jayavarman III's successor the first to embark on a systematic program of temple and inscriptions at Hariharalaya,made only one muted reference to this predecessor, tracing his own legitimacy to relatives of wife of Jayavarman II (not Jayavarman III) mother and to a pair of "King" about whom nothing else has come to light.
Presumable, this was a way of casting his genealogy(សន្តិវង្សវិទ្យា)back beyond Jayavarman's usurpation, thus connecting himself with the pre-Angkorrean ruler to enhance legitimacy.
In fact this very King,Indravarman ( A,D 877-889) was himself a usurper,which may account for his muddled genealogy,his Reign is important because it was the first of many to be in 1930s by the art historian Phillip S,
The first phase was to sponsor irrigation work in honor of his subjects and the watery divinities of the soil during Indravarman's Reign, a large reservoir was constructed at Haraharalaya to trap rain water it was known as the Indratataka and covered 300 hectare (650 ares) an inscription tell us that as soon as Indravarman become a King he made this promise,In five days ,I will Begin to dig,another purpose of such reservoirs was to indicate the extent of "King's power, and of his alliances with the Gods,by re-creating on Earth geographical features associated in people's minds with the mythical home of the God.Mt Meru, where lakes surround the central mountain,this North Indian Fantasy,translated to waterlogged Cambodia,is not devoid of ivory ,at neither are Gothic tower in U,S college town.
The second phase was for a monarch to honor his parents and his other ancestors by installing statues of these people,usually in the guise of Gods,Indravarman sponsored statues of his parents (as well as of others ,including his mother's parents and Jayavarman II and his wife depicted as embodiments of Silva and his consort) in the stuccoed brick temple complex known today as Praeh Ko (Sacred Cow)[គោសក្តិសិទ្ធិ ]
This charming temple,completed in 879 ,inaugurated what is now called Roluos style of Cambodia architecture,in this style,several features that were to become important later-including the custom of enclosing temples in a series of concentric moats and walls -appeared for the first time,the sophistication and carving and the predominance អធិភាព of floral motifs suggest that these skills had been developed earlies by carving wood,although of modest size in comparison with later temples Indravarman's monuments of Praeh Ko and Bakong-his"Temple-Mountain"were far more grandiose
in conception and appearance than anything that had preceded them and hint at developments in religious ideology and special mobilization for which other evidence is lacking.
An inscription from Prae Ko indicates that Indravarman had become a universal monarch by subduing unspecified contenders,In battle" which is like a difficult ocean to cross ,he raised a pathway, made up of the heads of his arrogant enemies, his own troops passed over on it; the inscription also tell us ' it seem that the creator[ Indra] tired of making so many Kings, had fashioned this King Named Indravarman [Literally 'Protected by Indra'] to form the joy of the three worlds uniquely. inscriptions far from Rolous suggest that Indravarman commanded at least briefly,loyalties in Northeastern Thailand and the Mekong Delta that confirm his seemingly ihflated rhetoric វោ
ហោសាស្រ្ត .One of these,carved in honor of one of his teachers( himself a cousin of Jayavarman II)
goes even further:
" Ruler of the entire world which he had conquered ,established on the slopes of Mt Meru, he was even steadier than the sun,which occasionally was distant."
"A top the lordly heads of the Kings of China Champa and yavadvipa[Java?] his Reign was like a flawless សុក្រិត្យ crown made from a garland of Jasmine flower"
Statements like this about Kings,which may strike us as flowery were circumscribed by the traditional characteristics of the Gods the Kings were being made to resemble,the Poets skill was thought to consist of piling up these characteristics and half-concealing some of them behind metaphor, similes,and puns ,just as the verses enumerated ways in which a King was like the God,the temples were catalogs and pictures of the world of the Gods-a sort of mirror images of another world.
The final phase of Indravarman's program,as detected by Phillip S,was to a temple-mountain,this is now known as the Bakang and took the form of a stepped pyramid,unlike the reservoir,or the Prae Ko ,The Bakang was dedicated to the King himself and was to serve,after his death,as his sarcophagus ម្ឈុសថ្ម Coedes estimated that thirteen Angkorean Kings,beginning with Jayavarman II ,built such temple mountains.not all of them have survived,and those that have can be read in different ways,First they were planned as duplicates of the mythical mountain,Mt Meru with stood north of the Himalayas at the center of the universe, like Mt Meru they were home for the Gods and for deceased worthies-not only Kings-who had been assimilated to heaven,they were also tombs,housing the ashes of the King servatories as well in sum,the temples were Cities of and for the Dead,.
Bakang was the first Cambodian temples to be built primarily of stone rather than brick,it was also the first to assume a precisely pyramidal shape, the temple was reconstructed by french archaeologist in the 1930s,but by then,nearly all of its bas-reliefs had disappeared.
Indravarman's son , Yasovarman , who Reigned from 889 to 910 was an important King, his inscriptions and his building suggest that he wanted to do more than his Father and to focus Cambodia around a Royal City, Yasodharapura,the "City" of Angkor bore his name until the fourteenth century.
Yasovarman's first official action appears to have been to endow "A hundred " religious hermitages,equipping each with a Royal rest house and a set of regulations twelve nearly identical inscription related to these hermitages have been discovered, two are near Rolous six of the other are from Southeastern Cambodia,where Yasovarman,though his mother,claimed family connections from Pre- Angkorean times, the spread of the inscriptions suggests that "Kampuja-Desa" was becoming a recognized concept as well as an Ideal.
Soon after this ,Yasovarman honored his parents by building the four brick temples,now know as Lolei. on an Island he built in the middle of his father's reservoir ,at the Northeast corner of the reservoir-often an honored direction in Cambodia religious thinking-he built a raised high-way running Northwestward toward the area 16 Km(10 mile) away where he planned to establish his City,this area now house the Angkor complex.
Yasovarman's choice of Angkor was probably influenced by his plan to built his own temple-mountain the on the summit of a natural hill ,his choice included a hill (Phnom-Krom) that was too close to the Tonle Sap and another (Phnom Bok) that was too far away ,He constructed small temples on these two hills,however,and built his main temple on the hill known today as Phnom BaKeng (literally Mount Mighty Ancestor) and then as Phnom Kadal (Central mountain) which still lies close to the center of the Angkor complex.
The Sdok Kak Thom inscription tells us that Yasovarman"Established the Royal City of Sri Yasodharapura and brought the Davaraja from Hariharalaya to this City ,then erected a central mountain(Phnom Kan dal ) Yasovarman's mountain was not identified as Phnom-Bakeng until the 1930s in conception and execution,it is far more grandiose than any of this Father's monuments it's symbolism has been studied in detail byJean Filliozat. who has shown that the number of levels statues, towers,and stairways,when read separately and together,correspond to various number particularly 33 and 108 endowed by Indian religion with metaphysical significance ,in some cases,pilgrims approaching the monument would able to catch this allusion by counting the number of towers they could see.
To the East of Phnom Ba Keng ,Yasovarman built a reservoir ជលដ្ឋាន the Yasodharatataka roughly 6,5 Km (4 mile long) and 3 Km ( 2 Mile) Wide, a long its Southern shore he had monasteries built sects that honored Siva,Vishnu,and the Buddha ,elsewhere throughout his Kingdom, he ordered temples built on natural hills, the most notable being Phreah Vihear, on the edge of the precipice that nowadays forms part of the frontier between Cambodia and Thailand.
These activities suggest that Yasovarman was able to commantd a far larger poll of manpower than predecessors gad done, It is likely that many of these were unwilling workers,captured in raids or battles or forced to immigrate from elsewhere in the Kingdom.Yasovarman's inscriptions show him to have been a cosmopolitan សកល monarch,aware of the grandeur of Indian civilization and tolerant of different religious beliefs, as usual,however,the sources reveal very little about his political activities his alliances or his idiosyncratic ideology មនោគមវិជ្ជាពិសេស,we have tantalizing glimpses of administrative reform, including evidence that in Yasovarman's legal code fines were levied in relation to one's ability to pay and a suggestion that Taxes were efficiently collected, in kind,throughout the Kingdom,but for the most part we must settle for proclamation ការសរសេរ
សេចក្តីប្រកាស of his greatness, he was a Lion man,he tore the enemy with the claws of his grandeur ភាពអស្ចារ្យ ,his teeth were his polities, his eyes were the Veda, his glory was like a roar in all directions, his virtues make up his name. here as so often in Sanskrit verifications កាព្យសាស្រ្ត,,
many of these words are deliberate double entendre,the phrase'His eye were the Veda"for example plays on the smilarity between the verb "To see" and and the noun 'Sacred teachings" these double meanings as we have seen,appear at many points in Angkorean verse, as well as in the architecture of the temples.
Yasovarman died a round 910 ,he was succeeded by tow of his Sons in turn,little is known about them,and by 921 a brother of one of Yasovarman's Wife had set up a rival City at Kos Ker,in what is now an inhospitable area about 85 Km(60 mile) North of Angkor.The rival began at once to perform Kingly actions, such as abuilding a reservoir and beginning work on a temple mountain,in 930,when the King died at Yasodharapura ,the usurper proclaimed himself King with the Title Jayavarman IV,work continued on his temple mountain,know today as Prasat Thom. until 930 the temple itself,housing a lingam estimated to have been 18 metre(59 feet) high and about 5 metre(16 feet) in diameter(and probably made of Metal or encased in metal,for it has disappeared) was in fact the highest of Temples erected in Cambodia,with the exception of Angkor-Wat Jayavarman IV's
inscriptions boasted that the construction surpassed those of previous King.
We do not know the roots of his colossal self-esteem, the basis of his following,or what promptected him to shift the capital so far from Yasodharapura. Kulke has argued that Jayavarman's declaring himself King while the Devaraja image was still at Yasodharapura weakened the legitimacy of cult.Jayavarman,in fact,extended it by proclaiming himself and his Kingship to be a portion of the God housed in his temple-mountain,in this way,he claimed to draw his legitimacy ធម្មនុញ្ញ directly from Siva, a notion adopted by several later Kings after the capital had returned to Yasoharapura.
Although Jayavarman's claim may seem hollow or pompousផ្លែផ្កា to us, it is clear that by force or perfusion he was able to rule at Kor Ker over large numbers of people,and in considerable splendor,
for twenty years. after his death 942,one of Sons Reign briefly,and in 944 one of his nephews( on his mother's side,a nephew of Yasavarman as well) returned to Yasoharapura as King Rajendravarman II in the words of a later inscription,this King restored the Holy City of Yasoharapura.long deserted ,
and rendered it superb and charming by erecting houses there that were ornamented with shining Gold,Palace glittering with precious Stones,like the palace of [Indra] on earth.
Although little is known about Rajenvarman's Reign ,his imitation of procedures enacted by Yasovarman, such as building,a temple honoring his ancestors in the midle of a Lake,indicates that he wished to restor Angkorean Kingship rather to start a dynasty of his own or to connect himself with Jayavarman's dynasty at Koh Ke,Uncle Rajandravarman,two temple-mountains were built the Mebon and Pre-Rup as well as numerous other temples,especially in the North,his Reign appears to have been peacful,except for a successful campain against Champa,and it usgered in a period of prosperity
at Angkor that lasted for almost a hundred years,one aspect of this prosprity is the literary polish of Rajendravarman's Sanskit inscriptions, one of these,the pre-Rup stele.runs to almost three hundred stanzas គាថា ,glorifying Rajendravarman's genealogy ពង្សាវលី ,his learning,and his performance as King,Another aspect of his Reign was the commercial expansion,of the Khmer Kingdom westward into what is now Northeastern Thailand, a third was his public telorance of Buddhism,
Rajendravarman appears to have studied Buddhism himself,and the minister in charge of public works throughout his Reign was a prominent Buddhist.
Rajendravarman died in 968 and was succeeded by his Son Jayavarman V,who still a boy and appears to have spent several years under the close supervision of relatives and High-Officials.These men and their families figure largely in the highly polished inscriptions from his Reign. perhaps the loveliest of the temples at Angkor, now known as Bantiey Srei[បន្ទាយស្រី] Fortress of Women)was dedicated at the beginning of the Reign by and an official who was later Jayavarman's Guru.or Tutor, there is evidence that this dedicate,small-scale temple,carved of pinkish sand-stone,once served and important urban area,Today it lies half-concealed in light forest about 16 Km(10 mile) North of the Main Angkor complex,it was discovered by French surveying party only in 1916.
Although Shaivite like his father and many of the Brahmans at the Court, Jayavarman V was tolerant of Buddhism,and Buddhism scholarship flourished during his Reign,an elegantly written inscription from Wat Sithor in Kampong Cham dating from this period shows how syncretic Buddhist thinking inside Cambodia had already become, fusing elements of Buddhism and Shavism in a way that led the nineteenth-century Sanskritist Emil Sena rt to note,everywhere one senses a manifest
preoccupation to disturb people's habits as little as possible, and to submerge deep differences inside surface similarities, Inscriptions play down Jayavarman V's role as a builder of Temple-mountain,his own, the Takeo temple,appears to be unfinished.
Jayavarman V's death in 1001 ushered in a turbulent and destructive period, but by 1003,another King,who origins are unknown,was Reigning at Angkor although the rest of Kingdom was not under his control,in the North,a prince calling himself Suryavarman-later to be King as Suryavarman I was mentioned in serveral inscriptions.
Some scholars have argued that neither of these Kings was Cambodian by blood as, Michael V- has recently shown ,however,suryavarman was almost certainly a Cambodia member of an elite family with links to the Northeastern part of the Kingdom,it is intriguing that the blueprint used by Suryavarman to take power in the first decated of the eleventh century so closely resembles the one chosen two centuries before Jayavarman II, the process involved sporadic warfare as well as the formation of coalitions -by force,marriage,and cajolery that enabled the pretender to reduce or buy off the power of local chiefs, Vikery suggested that Suryavarman had powerful allies among the Priestly families that dominated the Government at Angkor,and inscriptions of the time show him moving slowly Westward a partly depopulated Capital,over a period of years an indication in itself about the intricacy of his alliances.
Suryavarman won his final battle, an inscription tells us,"from a King surrounded by other Kings" One new element in his rise to power is his patronage of Buddhism.There is evidence from hostile inscriptions that as he rose to power he destroyed Vrah ,or religious images but the meaning of this charge is unclear,had Suryavarman been a Buddhist,perhaps the destruction would represent iconoclasm pure and simple, it is more likely that it was connected with the delegitimation of certain religious foundations whose patrons had been slow or unwilling to cooperate with him,another inscription,in fact,suggests that during his Reign the King deliberately impoverished members of the elite who had amassed great fortunes and thus represented distinct political threats .
One of Suryavarman's first actions in reaching Yasodharapura was to arrange that an oath of loyalty be sworn to him publicly,by as many as four thousand officials,known as Tamvrac,at the newly constructed Royal-Palace,the oath has survived in an inscription, the only one of its kind, it states that officials will be loyal to the King and adds:
If all of us who are here in person do not keep this oath with regard to his Majesty, May he still Reign long,we ask that he inflict on us Royal punishment of all sorts,if we hide ourselves in order not to keep this oath..may we have reborn in the thirty-second hell as long as the sun and moon shall last.
The oath closes by asking that those who keep it be awarded religious foundations to administer as well as food for their families-as"Recompense due to people who are devoted to their master.
"Loyalty,in other words, was to be rewarded by the right to extract surpluses from regions under some sort of control by Tamvracs. who were linked by allegiance to the King,the oath marks an intensification of Royal power and also the imposition of a newly constituted,or reconstituted,elite connected to the control of land.
Suryavarman's Reign, in fact, was characterized by the intensification of several aspects of Kingship, coming at a time when bureaucratic power rivaled or even surpassed the power of the King,
Suryavarman expanded the territory under Angkorean control,colonizing the Western end of the Ton Le sap with new religious foundations,further away,in the same direction, he annexed the Theravada Buddhist Kingdom of Louvo,centered on present-day Lopburi in central Thailand, he also expanded the irrigation words at Angkor,in a move that suggests that his other policies had increased the population of the City,because this hydraulic ផលគតិវិជ្ជា program was linked to increased bureaucratic centralization,it is possible to refer to Suryavarman's Reign as on that employed the so-called Asiatic mode of production referred to by Max & Others.
Under Suryavarman,Priestly and bureaucratic functions, seldom separate in practice,were
institutionalized Government sponsored religious foundations became conduits for Government revenue and largess in ways that remain obscure but that probably were connected with the power of Priestly bureaucratic families around the King.
His Administration was an urbanizing one,a French scholar,Henri-m du B-,has shown that whereas for the preceding three Reigns roughly twenty toponyms contained in inscriptions end with the suffix Pura ,or City" (cf Singapore,the "lion city )" under Suryavarman the number jumped to forty-seven, further evidence that his rise to power involved herding people in to conglomerations្បិណ្ឌីករណ៏ from less tightly administered rural areas,perhaps some of these Pura were Cities name only,to enhance the prestige of locally based elites, but the evidence for urbanization coincides with other things we know about Suryavarman Reign's.
There is also evidence that merchants engaged in local and overseas trade became more active while Suryavarman was King,throughout Cambodia history, the majority of such people appear to have been
in ethnic terms ,Outsiders, Chams Chinese,or Vietnamese, but reference to merchants' Reign, as usual
foreign trade involved the exchange of "Wild" goods from forested area for Civilized",once, such as Land Rice,Buffalo,and slaves were also trade by Cambodians,at this time for manufactured or exotic goods from other countries.
The extent to which Suryavarman's Reign mobilized bureaucratic and coercive* talents to concentrate people at Yasodharapura marked a departure from the past,and the success of his tactics showed subsequent Kings that the Kingdom could be organized and expanded by forcing its cultivators to work throughout the year, the food needed to support the coercive apparatus,(Priests,Kings, bureaucrats,and armies) could not be supplied by the single annual harvests that previously had sufficed for ordinary people to survive.
In extending his power in this way, Suryavarman enjoyed the advantages of a usurper,he was free to choose and reward his trusted followers rather than finding himself hemmed in at the beginning of his Reign by hangers on from other Courts.At first,governing the country with new officials probably meant that more attention was paid to local issues for the new officials would still have debts to their clients in the countryside that their successors could ignore.
Suryavarman's successor,Utyadityavarman II (r 1050- 1068) was a devotee of Siva, guided by a powerful Garu, he revived interest in the Devaraja cult and also revived the custom of building a massive temple-mountain- in his case, the Baphoun- to house the ling-am associated with his reign, as an inscription carved under his successor tell us.
"Seeing that in the middle of Jambudvipa, the home of Gods, there rose up a Golden mountain, He made a Golden mountain in the center of his City, out of emulation.on the summit of this mountain, in a Golden Temple,Shining with celestial brilliance, He set up a Sivalinga made of Gold"
End of Yasovarman and his Successors.
Jayavarman II & The Founding Of Angkor
What happened to 802? from the Srok Kak Thom inscription,incised in A,D 1050 in Northwestern Cambodia -a major source for Cambodian chronology and religious history ,we learn that in this year the monarch we call Jayavarman II, residing in the Kulen Hills.to the North of what was become the Angkor complex,participated in a ritual where by he became a" Universal of Monarch"the ceremonies also celebrated a cult with which the inscription is particularly concerned that of the Devaraja, a Sanskrit term that translates as "Good King"or King of Gods",unquestionable a cult linking the monarch with Siva,The ceremony had apparently been preceded some years early by an"Auspicious magic "rite"celebrated a cult site of Ba-Phnom in the Southeast.
Jayavarman II and his son.Jayavarman III left no inscriptions of their own,and this has encouraged scholars ,until recently,to suggest that the importance granted to these King as "Founders Of Angkor" has been exaggerated .The Sdok Kak Thom inscription is primarily concerned with the sacerdotal family that for more than two hundred years,officiated at the Devaraja celebrations,and yet the biographical details that the inscription provides are very useful,Jayavarman II apparently resided in the five parts of Cambodia at different times in his career,he appears to have moved from the Southeast,near Ba-Phnom,to the upper Mekong Basin,near Sambor,before moving West to occupy Aninditapura, to the North and East of the Tonle Sap,or Great Lake.
What was Jayavarman doing in these places? with all the facts we know about him- more extensive than for many later Kings- there is still something mysterious about him,who was he ?where did he come from?In a persuasive essay,Claude J- has argued that he arrived(or returned) from a place called " Java" (perhaps from island of that name,perhaps a Kingdom in Sumatra) around A,D 770,when he was about twenty years old.One of his actions,according to a tenth-century inscription found in the area of Ba-Phnom,was to perform a ceremony that "made it impossible for Java to control holy Cambodia.We do not know what the ceremony involved or why Jayavarman II was impelled to declare his independence at this time and in this way,Coedes has pointed out that although the ceremony clearly preceded the one performed on Mt-Ku Len ,it could easily have been one of several,in many parts of the Kingdom,as Jayavarman moved through them over the next thirty years.
The references are tantalizing and incomplete,was the ceremony performed at Ba-Phnom imported from Java ? or was it one that linked Jayavarman II with ancestral spirits at "Funan"? the ceremony was important enough to be noted in an inscription concerned primarily with other thing two centuries later,given Ba-Phnom's enduring importance as a cult site as recently as the 1940s.the second explanation in tempting,but evidence is lacking to support it.
The rest of Jayavarman's early career has been traced by Jacques and Oliver W- primarily,it involved a series and military campaigns and the formation of alliance,through marriages and grants of land, with locally powerful people willing to transfer some of their allegiance to a newcomer claiming to be a universal monarch,an undated inscription gives the borders of Jayavarman II's Kingdom as being"China. Champa. the ocean,and the land of cardamoms and mangoes-perhaps located to the West.
The assimilation of the Angkor region into "Kambuja-desa" occupied more than twenty years ,no inscriptions have survived from this period,and the temples appear to have been small or made of perishable materials,these undocumented years are crucial all the same,for at this time the related notions of nationhood and Kingship,remolded to fit the Cambodia scene,appear to have been gathering force, both terms should be used with caution"Nationhood" may have meant little more than having a name(kambuja-Desa) with which to contrast one's fellows with outsiders.Cambodians were insider owing their allegiance to a particular"universal"King. whose relation to them resembled "Siva" relationship with the other Gods,perhaps both these ideas came in from Java, but they were probably already known from the Indian literature of statecraft,familiar to Brahman known to have been in Cambodia at this time.
The evidence for these suggestions springs from inscriptions carved long after Jayavarman's death, but Wolters and Jacques have argued convincingly that in his progress through Cambodia,the future King welded together an assortment of disparate regions into some sort of self-aware community,whether or not Jayavarman II succeeded in this taste(or even if the taste was what he had in mind) is open to question because of the obscurity that surrounds his Reign,but it is clear that the Kings who came after him honored him as the founder of a Kingdom and as the instigator of a particular way of looking at Cambodia that was different from what their own,more provincial ancestors had been able to achieve Jayavarman II also served more practical purpose, Cambodia folk thinking has always placed great emphasis on the veneration of ancestors,or Nak -Ta ,associated with particular places once the Royal capital of Cambodia came to be at Hariharalaya"present day Rolous "ក្រុងរលួស" where Jayavarman II finally settled,subsequent Kings came to honor him as a kind of ancestral "Founder-Spirit" of the sort that every Cambodia Village possessed until recently.
Although it is no longer tenable to say that the cult of the Devaraja was in some way a ritual process by which a King became a God,or a "God-King" the evidence of ritual and ideology (មនោគមវិជ្ចា)connections between Cambodia Kingsand the God Siva is extensive,even if the Devaraja cult as such may not have played as large a part in the serialization of Cambodia Kingship as the authors of the Sdok-Kak-Thom inscription would like us to believed,the cult,in other words,was Royal cult rather than the definitive one,Hermann-Kulke has argued persuasively that the cult involved a status of Silva,himself Devaraja,or King of the Gods,that was paraded through the streets of Angkor- and other Royal capitals at festivals-in remembrance,perhaps ,of the role the cult had played at the beginning of the Angkorean period,when Jayavarman II freed Cambodia from Java.
The end of Jayavarman II founding of Angkor.
Jayavarman II and his son.Jayavarman III left no inscriptions of their own,and this has encouraged scholars ,until recently,to suggest that the importance granted to these King as "Founders Of Angkor" has been exaggerated .The Sdok Kak Thom inscription is primarily concerned with the sacerdotal family that for more than two hundred years,officiated at the Devaraja celebrations,and yet the biographical details that the inscription provides are very useful,Jayavarman II apparently resided in the five parts of Cambodia at different times in his career,he appears to have moved from the Southeast,near Ba-Phnom,to the upper Mekong Basin,near Sambor,before moving West to occupy Aninditapura, to the North and East of the Tonle Sap,or Great Lake.
What was Jayavarman doing in these places? with all the facts we know about him- more extensive than for many later Kings- there is still something mysterious about him,who was he ?where did he come from?In a persuasive essay,Claude J- has argued that he arrived(or returned) from a place called " Java" (perhaps from island of that name,perhaps a Kingdom in Sumatra) around A,D 770,when he was about twenty years old.One of his actions,according to a tenth-century inscription found in the area of Ba-Phnom,was to perform a ceremony that "made it impossible for Java to control holy Cambodia.We do not know what the ceremony involved or why Jayavarman II was impelled to declare his independence at this time and in this way,Coedes has pointed out that although the ceremony clearly preceded the one performed on Mt-Ku Len ,it could easily have been one of several,in many parts of the Kingdom,as Jayavarman moved through them over the next thirty years.
The references are tantalizing and incomplete,was the ceremony performed at Ba-Phnom imported from Java ? or was it one that linked Jayavarman II with ancestral spirits at "Funan"? the ceremony was important enough to be noted in an inscription concerned primarily with other thing two centuries later,given Ba-Phnom's enduring importance as a cult site as recently as the 1940s.the second explanation in tempting,but evidence is lacking to support it.
The rest of Jayavarman's early career has been traced by Jacques and Oliver W- primarily,it involved a series and military campaigns and the formation of alliance,through marriages and grants of land, with locally powerful people willing to transfer some of their allegiance to a newcomer claiming to be a universal monarch,an undated inscription gives the borders of Jayavarman II's Kingdom as being"China. Champa. the ocean,and the land of cardamoms and mangoes-perhaps located to the West.
The assimilation of the Angkor region into "Kambuja-desa" occupied more than twenty years ,no inscriptions have survived from this period,and the temples appear to have been small or made of perishable materials,these undocumented years are crucial all the same,for at this time the related notions of nationhood and Kingship,remolded to fit the Cambodia scene,appear to have been gathering force, both terms should be used with caution"Nationhood" may have meant little more than having a name(kambuja-Desa) with which to contrast one's fellows with outsiders.Cambodians were insider owing their allegiance to a particular"universal"King. whose relation to them resembled "Siva" relationship with the other Gods,perhaps both these ideas came in from Java, but they were probably already known from the Indian literature of statecraft,familiar to Brahman known to have been in Cambodia at this time.
The evidence for these suggestions springs from inscriptions carved long after Jayavarman's death, but Wolters and Jacques have argued convincingly that in his progress through Cambodia,the future King welded together an assortment of disparate regions into some sort of self-aware community,whether or not Jayavarman II succeeded in this taste(or even if the taste was what he had in mind) is open to question because of the obscurity that surrounds his Reign,but it is clear that the Kings who came after him honored him as the founder of a Kingdom and as the instigator of a particular way of looking at Cambodia that was different from what their own,more provincial ancestors had been able to achieve Jayavarman II also served more practical purpose, Cambodia folk thinking has always placed great emphasis on the veneration of ancestors,or Nak -Ta ,associated with particular places once the Royal capital of Cambodia came to be at Hariharalaya"present day Rolous "ក្រុងរលួស" where Jayavarman II finally settled,subsequent Kings came to honor him as a kind of ancestral "Founder-Spirit" of the sort that every Cambodia Village possessed until recently.
Although it is no longer tenable to say that the cult of the Devaraja was in some way a ritual process by which a King became a God,or a "God-King" the evidence of ritual and ideology (មនោគមវិជ្ចា)connections between Cambodia Kingsand the God Siva is extensive,even if the Devaraja cult as such may not have played as large a part in the serialization of Cambodia Kingship as the authors of the Sdok-Kak-Thom inscription would like us to believed,the cult,in other words,was Royal cult rather than the definitive one,Hermann-Kulke has argued persuasively that the cult involved a status of Silva,himself Devaraja,or King of the Gods,that was paraded through the streets of Angkor- and other Royal capitals at festivals-in remembrance,perhaps ,of the role the cult had played at the beginning of the Angkorean period,when Jayavarman II freed Cambodia from Java.
The end of Jayavarman II founding of Angkor.
Jayavarman VII and the Crisis of the thirteenth Century
Between Suryavarman II's, death around 1150 and Jayavarman VII's coronation in 1181, only one date Cambodia inscription has survived.what we know about this period must be filtered through inscriptions carved at jayavarman's behest,reflecting his view of the world as well as what he wanted people to believe about his early life,because he was not apparently an entirely legitimate contender for the throne,his early years,like those of so many Cambodia founder-King,are poorly documented.
Jayavarman's biography was pieced together by George,who saw him as a pinnacle of Cambodia History rather than an aberration, Jayavarman's inscriptions and what they tell us about his point of view make radical departures in many ways, from what had gone before. because of this radicalism and grandeur,Jayavarman VII has tended to dominate the historiography of Cambodia .particularly sine's Geoge work in the 1930s,his Reign,as well shall see contained several mysteries and contradictions.
Jayavarman appears to have been a first cousin of Suryavarman II and the son of a Royal prince.Dharanindravarm,who may have Reigned briefly as King and who was certainly a fervent Buddhist,Groslier has cast doubts on the first of these assertion because it is not poorly documented and because it place Jayavarman in the direct line of succession in a way that makes the fact we know about his life even more difficult to understand.
It seem likely,all the same,that Jayavarman as a young man served in some capacity at Yasovarman's Court,from 1166 to 1177,Jayavarman appears to have lived a way from Angkor,perhaps in the vicinity of the temple now known as the Preah-Khan ប្រាសាទបាកានមានឈ្មោះដើមហៅថាជ័យស្រីប្រាសាទនេះកសាងដោយព្រះបាទសុរិយវរ្ម័នទី១ (គស១០០២១០៥០) លើបូជនីយដ្ឋានចាស់របស់ព្រះបាទយសោវរ្ម័នទី១ និងមានបន្ថែមរចនាបថមុខ៤ខ្លះដោយព្រះបាទជ័យវរ្ម័នទី៧មុនពេលឡើងគ្រងរាជនៅអង្គរ (គស១១៨១)ដែលព្រះអង្គបានកសាងប្រាសាទនេះដើម្បីតំកល់អដ្ឋិធាតុញាតិវង្សនិងព្រះបរមគ្រូរបស់ព្រះអង្គ in Kompong Svay, a portrait statue of him,manifestly younger than others produced later in his Reign,has found at this location, the dimensions of the temple and its carving provide evidence of the evolution of Cambodia artistic styles and also suggest that even in semi exile,Jayavarman was able to exercise systematic control over a sizable pool of labor,was the city of Preah-Khan subservient to Angkor or a rival to it? how did Jayavarman more important,what were his relationships with Cham to the East? It is important to ask these unanswerable questions in in order to place Jayavarman's Reign, following his accession in 1178 ,into the context of his early life and in the framework of Cambodia foreign relations.
Jayavarman VII and Buddhist Kingship
Throughout his time of waiting to be King.Jayavarman immersed himself in the teaching of Mahayana Buddhism- the variant still followed in much of Northern Asia,more than any other King,he labored to integrate Buddhist notions with Cambodia ideas of Kingship,Buddhist Kingship,as he practiced it, differed in several way from the more electric Hindu model that had been followed for centuries at Angkor and was to form the basic ceremonially of Cambodia
Kingship until it was overturned in the 1970s, in the traditional version, a King, alive or dead was thought to enjoy a special relationship with a particular deity- usually Siva, more rarely Vishnu,occasionally the composite of them both known as Harihara -to whom his temple-mountain was eventually dedicated , the King used this special relationship to explain their grandeur while their subjects assumed that the relationship had something to do with the provision of adequate rainfall.
Because Cambodia society was hierarchically organized,and because the King was thought to centralize the Kingdom.Most Cambodia's like their contemporaries in medieval Europe-probably recognized the necessity for a King.rare inscriptions and perhaps the act of constructing reservoirs-indicated that an individual King occasionally had his subjects welfare on his mind. in Human terms,however, the King was nearly always a distant,mysterious figure concealed inside an awesome Palace , the notion that he was accountable to his people expressed, for example ,in Royal audiences does not seem to have caught hold,despite the King's involvement in providing,patronage for the elite ,inside his Palace and within the network of Kinship and preferment relations extending from it. the King was the Master and the Victim of a system whereby people clamored for his favors, for titles, for the right to own slaves or sumptuous possessions.
Buddhist Kingship.of course, grew out of this Indian tradition (the Buddha had been an Indian Prince) but in Jayavarman's Reign these notions were modified in several ways.Jayavarman was no longer seen as the devotee of a divinity or as drawn up to the divinity in death,instead,Jayavarman sought to redeem himself and his Kingdom by his devotion to Buddhist teachings, and by the performance of meritorious acts.
Before examining how these ideas of Kingship acted themselves out during the Reign of Jayavarman.it is important to stress that his program was not aimed at performing,Cambodia Society or at dismantling such"Hinduized' institutions as Brahmanism.slavery and Kingship,far from it ,in his conservatism and his elitist frame of reference ,Jayavarman VII was a recognizably twelfth century King,although in Cambodia terms he was a revolutionary one,Put very starkly,the difference between Buddhist King and a Hindu one resembles the difference between a monologue that no one overhears
and soliloquy addressed to an audience of paid or invited guests,A'Hindu" King's rule was an aggregation of statement rituals, Temples,Poems,Marriages, Inscriptions, and the like and his grandeur and Godliness.A Buddhist King made a similar statements, but he addressed them,specifically,to an audience consisting of his people,this made the the people less an ingredient of the King's magnificence(as a thousands of slaves had always been)than objects of his overwhelming compassion,
an audience for his merit-making and participants in his Redemption,this is at least ,what may Jayavarman VII's inscriptions and Temples appear to have been saying.
Why did Jayavarman VII's choose to breaking so sharply with the past ? Scholars have been given several explanations ,these include his apparent estrangement from the Court at Angkor,combined with his resentment of the usurper who had proclaimed himself King in 1167 ,A "Master Plan" of Buildings,Ideology, and Kingship that had been maturing in his mind,after years of study ,and very possibly,the influence of a scholarly.Ambitious Wife, these proposals are helpful,but they do not identify the real key to Jayavarman's Reign- The Cham invasion of Angkor in 1177, as Paul Mus and Jean Boisselier have shown ,we can see Jayavarman entire Reign as a response to this traumatic event.
Jayavarman's own links with Champa appear to have been close,and in the 1166s,he apparently spent several years there,was he a hostage,an exile,or leading a military campaign? perhaps his absence was connected in some way with being out of favor at the Cambodia Court , for he returned home only after Yasovarman II had been deposed ,as the sources of our uncertainty are Jayavarman's own inscriptions,all that is clear about the prelude to the Cham invasion of 1177 and indeed about Jayavarman's early career -is that later on he found little to boast about in these obviously formative years.
Because inscriptions tent to trace the causes of War to Royal ambition, treachery,and revenge -that is ,to the world of the Ramayana -it is difficult for us to determine exactly why Champa invaded Cambodia . by land in 1177 and then by water in 1178, the prospects of booty and prisoners were certainly part of the Cham rationale,so were memories of early defeats ,two Chinese,shipwrecked off the Coast of Champa, apparently helped the Cham in both campaigns one taught them to fire crossbows while mounted on horseback,and the Cham King's enthusiasm for this tactic led him to raid the Chinese mainland and the island of Hainan in search of horses,not finding enough of them, Chinese sources assert, he decided on a second attack by sea, this time with the Aid of a Chinese navigator,who piloted the expedition up the Mekong,the Great Lake,and the Siam-Reap River,taking the City of Yasodharapura by surprise,with a powerful fleet,[He] pillaged it and put King to Death,without listening to any proposal of peace.
Jayavarman's where about in 1177 are unknown,but he appears to have done nothing about invasion,in1178,however,he gathered arm and supporters for a new campaign against the Chams, defeating them in another naval Battle,although an inscription suggests that a Cambodia Prince- not Jayavarman himself -Killed the Cham King " with a hundred million arrows" when Jayavarman went to Angkor after the invasion,he found the City"Plunged in to the sea of misfortune" and heavy with Crimes" some of these troubles could be trace to the enumerators Reign of predecessors ,other to the fictionalization of power inside the Kingdom,referred to in an inscription written by his Wife,in the previous Reigns , the land though shaded by many parasols suffered from extremes of heat,under Jayavarman there remained but on parasol,and yet the Land,remarkably was delivered from suffering.
Jayavarman VII was crowned in 1181.therefore ,owing little to his predecessors and much,as his inscriptions tell us,to his acumen,his Buddhist Faith,and his victories in Battle,over the next thirty years or so (The precise date of his death is unknown) he stamped the Kingdom with his personality and his Ideas as no other ruler was able to do before Norodom Sihanouk in the 1960s,and Pol-Pot in late 1970s, like these later figures,Jayavarman may have wanted to transform Cambodia and perceived himself as the instrument of the transformation.
Much of the interest in his Reign,more over springs from the tension inherent in the words"Buddha"
and "King" using the Hinduism apparatus of Kingship and the material grandeur associated with it, Jayavarman also sought in all humility- if his people from suffering,as a King ,he had roads built throughout his Kingdom.perhaps to accelerate his military response to apprising or invasions, as a Buddhist.these roads were evidence of his beneficence,his program of public.words indeed, was probably more extensive than that of many other Camboadian King,this nationalization of Kingship by a man who was arguably the most otherworldly of Cambodia's King has given Jayavarman Reign"s ,a contra-dictionary appearance sentences about the man soon fall into the pattern of"On the one Hand" and " One the other ".
For example,many of bas -reliefs on the Bayon, depicting Battles against the Chams,Contain Vivid scenes of cruelty,Similarly,some of Jayavarman's inscriptions Praise his vengefulness and his skill at Political in fighting the Chams, on the one hands, the numerous portrait statues of him that have come down to us depict him as an ascetic deep in meditation.from his inscriptions.we learn that"He" suffered from the illness of his subjects more than from his own,the pain that afflicted men's bodies was for him a spiritual pain, and thus more piercing. And yet his Road ,Temples,Rest-Houses,Reservoirs,and Hospitals were thrown up with extraordinary haste between his coronation in 1181,and the second decade of the thirteenth century,there were so many of them in fact,that workmanship was often sloppy,and by the end of Reign local supplies of sandstone and limestone for use at Angkor had run out,hundred of thousands of ordinary people, inscription tell us,labored to erect and maintain these contractions built,at the ideological level,to deliver them from pain, to a twentieth century eye ,this seems ironic to say the least,but we should remembers that suffering in Buddhist terms should not be taken merely in a physical sense, it must also be related to the purposes of life and to the ways that suffering to Praise the Buddha by building Jayavarman's City,for example,assured the workers of less suffering and greater happiness in another life.
Why was Jayavarman's building program carried out with so much haste ? he was an elderly man-perhaps as old as sixty-when he reached the throne ,the buildings may have been parts of his race against time,A more speculative answer is that in his years away from Angkor he had conceived a Buddhist-Oriented contruction program that that could only be completed,and had to be completed, at Angkor while he was still alive, the program may have been part of a process of personal redemption although the sins for which ha was atoning are not clarified by his inscriptions written at a later stage It seem that these years were probably spent in deflecting yet another Cham attack( depicted as a naval battle in the bas-reliefs of the Bayon) in quelling a rebellion in the Northwest,and in rebuilding the City of Angkokr.Major shifts in population,as usual followed these military campaigns ,as the Praeh Khan inscription of 1191 suggest, to the multitude of his warriors he gave the Capital of enemy Kings,with their shinning Palace to the beast roaming his forest, he gave the forest of the enemy to prisoners of war he gave his own forest ,thus manifesting generosity and Justice.
As with other Cambodian King's,it would be wrong to make a sharp distinction between Jayavarman'
s politics and his religion,between temporal and spiritual powers ,and between his ideas about himself and his ideas about his Kingdom,before dismissing him as a mindless megalomaniac,however,it is worth recalling that had no one shared his version or believed in his merit,he would never have become King.especially starting out from such as a weak position and certainly would not have able to remain in power,high officials Brahmans,evangelical Buddhists,and military men probably saw advantages and not entirely otherworldly ones,in the physical expansion of the Kingdom, partly by mean of Royally subsidized religious foundations partly by bringing previously indifferent populations under some form of Angkorean control ,by the beginning of thirtieth century, in fact, Angkor was extracting tribute from much of what is now Thailand and Southern Laos as well as from Champa,occupying the coastal areas of central Viet Nam, to these corners of the know world- and to China, to which the King sent tributary missions the multiple half-smiling Face of Jayavarman's,temple mountain and his portrait statues addressed their benignly powerful glance.
The art historian Philip stern,who studied Jayavarman's Reign in great detail ,perceived three stages in the development of his iconography and architecture. these coincide with the three phrases of construction noted by Stern for earlier Cambodia King,Namely Public,Works temples in honor of parents and the King's own temple-Mountain.
The Public works of earlier Kings, as we have seen, usually took the form of reservoirs (Baray) other projects such as Road and Bridges may have been built,but they are seldom noted inscriptions,Jayavarman's program departed from the past, his Hospitals,probably established early in the Reign,were built to the West of Angkor and as far North as central Laos, the Ta Prohm inscription say that these Hospitals could call on the services of 838 Villages,with adult populations totaling roughly eighty thousand people, the services demanded appear to have been to provide labor and rice for the staffs attached to each hospital, or approximately a hundred people ,including dependents the so called hospital inscriptions give detail about the Administration of the hospitals and about the provisions and staffs allocated to them.
A second set of Jayavarman VII's public works consisted of rest-houses placed at approximately 16 Km (10 mile) intervals a long Cambodia's major roads, there were fifty-seven of these between Angkor and the Cham capital and seventeen more between Ankor and a Buddhist Temple-site at Pimai in Northern Thailand ,Finally,there was Jayavarman's own reservoir ,known now as the Northern Barray and during his Reign as the Jayatataka,located to the Northern of yasodharapura.
These invasions stemmed from what Jayavarman saw as his mission to rescue his subjects,as the hospital inscription says:
"Filled with a deep sympathy for the good of the world,the King swore this oath,all the being who are plunged in the ocean of existence,may I draw them out by virtue of this good work,and may the King of Cambodia who come after me,attached to goodness..attain with their wives,dignitaries and friends the place of deliverance where there is no more illness."
The End of Jayavarman VII and the Crisis:
Jayavarman's biography was pieced together by George,who saw him as a pinnacle of Cambodia History rather than an aberration, Jayavarman's inscriptions and what they tell us about his point of view make radical departures in many ways, from what had gone before. because of this radicalism and grandeur,Jayavarman VII has tended to dominate the historiography of Cambodia .particularly sine's Geoge work in the 1930s,his Reign,as well shall see contained several mysteries and contradictions.
Jayavarman appears to have been a first cousin of Suryavarman II and the son of a Royal prince.Dharanindravarm,who may have Reigned briefly as King and who was certainly a fervent Buddhist,Groslier has cast doubts on the first of these assertion because it is not poorly documented and because it place Jayavarman in the direct line of succession in a way that makes the fact we know about his life even more difficult to understand.
It seem likely,all the same,that Jayavarman as a young man served in some capacity at Yasovarman's Court,from 1166 to 1177,Jayavarman appears to have lived a way from Angkor,perhaps in the vicinity of the temple now known as the Preah-Khan ប្រាសាទបាកានមានឈ្មោះដើមហៅថាជ័យស្រីប្រាសាទនេះកសាងដោយព្រះបាទសុរិយវរ្ម័នទី១ (គស១០០២១០៥០) លើបូជនីយដ្ឋានចាស់របស់ព្រះបាទយសោវរ្ម័នទី១ និងមានបន្ថែមរចនាបថមុខ៤ខ្លះដោយព្រះបាទជ័យវរ្ម័នទី៧មុនពេលឡើងគ្រងរាជនៅអង្គរ (គស១១៨១)ដែលព្រះអង្គបានកសាងប្រាសាទនេះដើម្បីតំកល់អដ្ឋិធាតុញាតិវង្សនិងព្រះបរមគ្រូរបស់ព្រះអង្គ in Kompong Svay, a portrait statue of him,manifestly younger than others produced later in his Reign,has found at this location, the dimensions of the temple and its carving provide evidence of the evolution of Cambodia artistic styles and also suggest that even in semi exile,Jayavarman was able to exercise systematic control over a sizable pool of labor,was the city of Preah-Khan subservient to Angkor or a rival to it? how did Jayavarman more important,what were his relationships with Cham to the East? It is important to ask these unanswerable questions in in order to place Jayavarman's Reign, following his accession in 1178 ,into the context of his early life and in the framework of Cambodia foreign relations.
Jayavarman VII and Buddhist Kingship
Throughout his time of waiting to be King.Jayavarman immersed himself in the teaching of Mahayana Buddhism- the variant still followed in much of Northern Asia,more than any other King,he labored to integrate Buddhist notions with Cambodia ideas of Kingship,Buddhist Kingship,as he practiced it, differed in several way from the more electric Hindu model that had been followed for centuries at Angkor and was to form the basic ceremonially of Cambodia
Kingship until it was overturned in the 1970s, in the traditional version, a King, alive or dead was thought to enjoy a special relationship with a particular deity- usually Siva, more rarely Vishnu,occasionally the composite of them both known as Harihara -to whom his temple-mountain was eventually dedicated , the King used this special relationship to explain their grandeur while their subjects assumed that the relationship had something to do with the provision of adequate rainfall.
Because Cambodia society was hierarchically organized,and because the King was thought to centralize the Kingdom.Most Cambodia's like their contemporaries in medieval Europe-probably recognized the necessity for a King.rare inscriptions and perhaps the act of constructing reservoirs-indicated that an individual King occasionally had his subjects welfare on his mind. in Human terms,however, the King was nearly always a distant,mysterious figure concealed inside an awesome Palace , the notion that he was accountable to his people expressed, for example ,in Royal audiences does not seem to have caught hold,despite the King's involvement in providing,patronage for the elite ,inside his Palace and within the network of Kinship and preferment relations extending from it. the King was the Master and the Victim of a system whereby people clamored for his favors, for titles, for the right to own slaves or sumptuous possessions.
Buddhist Kingship.of course, grew out of this Indian tradition (the Buddha had been an Indian Prince) but in Jayavarman's Reign these notions were modified in several ways.Jayavarman was no longer seen as the devotee of a divinity or as drawn up to the divinity in death,instead,Jayavarman sought to redeem himself and his Kingdom by his devotion to Buddhist teachings, and by the performance of meritorious acts.
Before examining how these ideas of Kingship acted themselves out during the Reign of Jayavarman.it is important to stress that his program was not aimed at performing,Cambodia Society or at dismantling such"Hinduized' institutions as Brahmanism.slavery and Kingship,far from it ,in his conservatism and his elitist frame of reference ,Jayavarman VII was a recognizably twelfth century King,although in Cambodia terms he was a revolutionary one,Put very starkly,the difference between Buddhist King and a Hindu one resembles the difference between a monologue that no one overhears
and soliloquy addressed to an audience of paid or invited guests,A'Hindu" King's rule was an aggregation of statement rituals, Temples,Poems,Marriages, Inscriptions, and the like and his grandeur and Godliness.A Buddhist King made a similar statements, but he addressed them,specifically,to an audience consisting of his people,this made the the people less an ingredient of the King's magnificence(as a thousands of slaves had always been)than objects of his overwhelming compassion,
an audience for his merit-making and participants in his Redemption,this is at least ,what may Jayavarman VII's inscriptions and Temples appear to have been saying.
Why did Jayavarman VII's choose to breaking so sharply with the past ? Scholars have been given several explanations ,these include his apparent estrangement from the Court at Angkor,combined with his resentment of the usurper who had proclaimed himself King in 1167 ,A "Master Plan" of Buildings,Ideology, and Kingship that had been maturing in his mind,after years of study ,and very possibly,the influence of a scholarly.Ambitious Wife, these proposals are helpful,but they do not identify the real key to Jayavarman's Reign- The Cham invasion of Angkor in 1177, as Paul Mus and Jean Boisselier have shown ,we can see Jayavarman entire Reign as a response to this traumatic event.
Jayavarman's own links with Champa appear to have been close,and in the 1166s,he apparently spent several years there,was he a hostage,an exile,or leading a military campaign? perhaps his absence was connected in some way with being out of favor at the Cambodia Court , for he returned home only after Yasovarman II had been deposed ,as the sources of our uncertainty are Jayavarman's own inscriptions,all that is clear about the prelude to the Cham invasion of 1177 and indeed about Jayavarman's early career -is that later on he found little to boast about in these obviously formative years.
Because inscriptions tent to trace the causes of War to Royal ambition, treachery,and revenge -that is ,to the world of the Ramayana -it is difficult for us to determine exactly why Champa invaded Cambodia . by land in 1177 and then by water in 1178, the prospects of booty and prisoners were certainly part of the Cham rationale,so were memories of early defeats ,two Chinese,shipwrecked off the Coast of Champa, apparently helped the Cham in both campaigns one taught them to fire crossbows while mounted on horseback,and the Cham King's enthusiasm for this tactic led him to raid the Chinese mainland and the island of Hainan in search of horses,not finding enough of them, Chinese sources assert, he decided on a second attack by sea, this time with the Aid of a Chinese navigator,who piloted the expedition up the Mekong,the Great Lake,and the Siam-Reap River,taking the City of Yasodharapura by surprise,with a powerful fleet,[He] pillaged it and put King to Death,without listening to any proposal of peace.
Jayavarman's where about in 1177 are unknown,but he appears to have done nothing about invasion,in1178,however,he gathered arm and supporters for a new campaign against the Chams, defeating them in another naval Battle,although an inscription suggests that a Cambodia Prince- not Jayavarman himself -Killed the Cham King " with a hundred million arrows" when Jayavarman went to Angkor after the invasion,he found the City"Plunged in to the sea of misfortune" and heavy with Crimes" some of these troubles could be trace to the enumerators Reign of predecessors ,other to the fictionalization of power inside the Kingdom,referred to in an inscription written by his Wife,in the previous Reigns , the land though shaded by many parasols suffered from extremes of heat,under Jayavarman there remained but on parasol,and yet the Land,remarkably was delivered from suffering.
Jayavarman VII was crowned in 1181.therefore ,owing little to his predecessors and much,as his inscriptions tell us,to his acumen,his Buddhist Faith,and his victories in Battle,over the next thirty years or so (The precise date of his death is unknown) he stamped the Kingdom with his personality and his Ideas as no other ruler was able to do before Norodom Sihanouk in the 1960s,and Pol-Pot in late 1970s, like these later figures,Jayavarman may have wanted to transform Cambodia and perceived himself as the instrument of the transformation.
Much of the interest in his Reign,more over springs from the tension inherent in the words"Buddha"
and "King" using the Hinduism apparatus of Kingship and the material grandeur associated with it, Jayavarman also sought in all humility- if his people from suffering,as a King ,he had roads built throughout his Kingdom.perhaps to accelerate his military response to apprising or invasions, as a Buddhist.these roads were evidence of his beneficence,his program of public.words indeed, was probably more extensive than that of many other Camboadian King,this nationalization of Kingship by a man who was arguably the most otherworldly of Cambodia's King has given Jayavarman Reign"s ,a contra-dictionary appearance sentences about the man soon fall into the pattern of"On the one Hand" and " One the other ".
For example,many of bas -reliefs on the Bayon, depicting Battles against the Chams,Contain Vivid scenes of cruelty,Similarly,some of Jayavarman's inscriptions Praise his vengefulness and his skill at Political in fighting the Chams, on the one hands, the numerous portrait statues of him that have come down to us depict him as an ascetic deep in meditation.from his inscriptions.we learn that"He" suffered from the illness of his subjects more than from his own,the pain that afflicted men's bodies was for him a spiritual pain, and thus more piercing. And yet his Road ,Temples,Rest-Houses,Reservoirs,and Hospitals were thrown up with extraordinary haste between his coronation in 1181,and the second decade of the thirteenth century,there were so many of them in fact,that workmanship was often sloppy,and by the end of Reign local supplies of sandstone and limestone for use at Angkor had run out,hundred of thousands of ordinary people, inscription tell us,labored to erect and maintain these contractions built,at the ideological level,to deliver them from pain, to a twentieth century eye ,this seems ironic to say the least,but we should remembers that suffering in Buddhist terms should not be taken merely in a physical sense, it must also be related to the purposes of life and to the ways that suffering to Praise the Buddha by building Jayavarman's City,for example,assured the workers of less suffering and greater happiness in another life.
Why was Jayavarman's building program carried out with so much haste ? he was an elderly man-perhaps as old as sixty-when he reached the throne ,the buildings may have been parts of his race against time,A more speculative answer is that in his years away from Angkor he had conceived a Buddhist-Oriented contruction program that that could only be completed,and had to be completed, at Angkor while he was still alive, the program may have been part of a process of personal redemption although the sins for which ha was atoning are not clarified by his inscriptions written at a later stage It seem that these years were probably spent in deflecting yet another Cham attack( depicted as a naval battle in the bas-reliefs of the Bayon) in quelling a rebellion in the Northwest,and in rebuilding the City of Angkokr.Major shifts in population,as usual followed these military campaigns ,as the Praeh Khan inscription of 1191 suggest, to the multitude of his warriors he gave the Capital of enemy Kings,with their shinning Palace to the beast roaming his forest, he gave the forest of the enemy to prisoners of war he gave his own forest ,thus manifesting generosity and Justice.
As with other Cambodian King's,it would be wrong to make a sharp distinction between Jayavarman'
s politics and his religion,between temporal and spiritual powers ,and between his ideas about himself and his ideas about his Kingdom,before dismissing him as a mindless megalomaniac,however,it is worth recalling that had no one shared his version or believed in his merit,he would never have become King.especially starting out from such as a weak position and certainly would not have able to remain in power,high officials Brahmans,evangelical Buddhists,and military men probably saw advantages and not entirely otherworldly ones,in the physical expansion of the Kingdom, partly by mean of Royally subsidized religious foundations partly by bringing previously indifferent populations under some form of Angkorean control ,by the beginning of thirtieth century, in fact, Angkor was extracting tribute from much of what is now Thailand and Southern Laos as well as from Champa,occupying the coastal areas of central Viet Nam, to these corners of the know world- and to China, to which the King sent tributary missions the multiple half-smiling Face of Jayavarman's,temple mountain and his portrait statues addressed their benignly powerful glance.
The art historian Philip stern,who studied Jayavarman's Reign in great detail ,perceived three stages in the development of his iconography and architecture. these coincide with the three phrases of construction noted by Stern for earlier Cambodia King,Namely Public,Works temples in honor of parents and the King's own temple-Mountain.
The Public works of earlier Kings, as we have seen, usually took the form of reservoirs (Baray) other projects such as Road and Bridges may have been built,but they are seldom noted inscriptions,Jayavarman's program departed from the past, his Hospitals,probably established early in the Reign,were built to the West of Angkor and as far North as central Laos, the Ta Prohm inscription say that these Hospitals could call on the services of 838 Villages,with adult populations totaling roughly eighty thousand people, the services demanded appear to have been to provide labor and rice for the staffs attached to each hospital, or approximately a hundred people ,including dependents the so called hospital inscriptions give detail about the Administration of the hospitals and about the provisions and staffs allocated to them.
A second set of Jayavarman VII's public works consisted of rest-houses placed at approximately 16 Km (10 mile) intervals a long Cambodia's major roads, there were fifty-seven of these between Angkor and the Cham capital and seventeen more between Ankor and a Buddhist Temple-site at Pimai in Northern Thailand ,Finally,there was Jayavarman's own reservoir ,known now as the Northern Barray and during his Reign as the Jayatataka,located to the Northern of yasodharapura.
These invasions stemmed from what Jayavarman saw as his mission to rescue his subjects,as the hospital inscription says:
"Filled with a deep sympathy for the good of the world,the King swore this oath,all the being who are plunged in the ocean of existence,may I draw them out by virtue of this good work,and may the King of Cambodia who come after me,attached to goodness..attain with their wives,dignitaries and friends the place of deliverance where there is no more illness."
The End of Jayavarman VII and the Crisis:
Chou Ta Kuan Visitor at Angkor
The record by Chinese envoy, Chou Ta Kuan, of his stay in Cambodia in 1296-1297 is the most detailed accounts we have about everyday life and the appearance of Angkor, Chou's memoir is rich in circumstantial as he was not constrained by the Indian traditions that remove ordinary people from literacy consideration,in his account, for example we see Cambodians Bathing,Selling goods and Marching in processions,from our point of view,it is a shame that Chou devoted so much of his short manuscript to exotic revelations of "Barbarian" life. in fact. although he provided us with a newsreel or perhaps a home movie of stay at Angkor, our appetites are whetted for the feature film he might have made had he known(or cared about) the gaps that have persisted ever since in the historical record.
The account,in translation, runs to fewer than forty pages divided in to forty sections,these page from a short paragraph to several pages and,topically.from Religion,Justice,Kingship,and Agriculture,(to name only four) to birds,Vegetables, Bathing customs,and Slaves, many features of thirteenth century Cambodia life he described including clothing,Tools,Draft animals,and Aspects of rural commerce are still observable 1990s,and other such as slavery,sumptuary Laws,and trail by ordeal endured in modified from until the nineteenth century at least.
Five of Chou's sections deserve detailed attention those dealing with Religion,Slaves,Festivals,Agriculture,and the King's excursions,Chou found three Religions enjoying official status at Angkor,they appear to have been Brahmanism,Theravada Buddhism, and Shaivism,the Brahmans, Chou noted,often attained high position as officials but he could find little else to say about them,I do not know what models they follow,and they have nothing which one could call a school or a place of teaching,it is difficult, also to know what books they read.The Theravada Monks,known colloquially by a Thai phrase(Chao Ku) closely resembled their twentieth century counterparts in Theravada Southeast Asia,they shave their heads,and wear yellow robes,leaving the right shoulder bare,for the lower half of the body,they wear a yellow skirt,they are barefoot.
Like the Palace and the houses of high officials,Chou tell us ,Buddhist monasteries could have tile roofs,but those of ordinary people had to be made of thatch Chou was impressed by the simplicity of the "Wat" noting that (unlike Mahayana Temples in China) they contained no bells,Cymbals.
Flags ,or platform housing only an image of the Buddha made of gilded plaster,finally,
Chou described the method used to inscribe palm leaf manuscripts,which persisted well in to the twentieth century,particularly in the case of religious and historical texts,
The Shaivites,who Chou called "Taoists" inhabited monasteries that were less prosperous than Buddhist ones,in which "the only image which they revers is a block of stone analogous to the stone found in shrines of the God of the soil in China,although monastic Shaivism declined in importance after the abandonment of Angkor and eventually disappeared altogether, Indianized cults,including the use of Linga, continued into modern times, and officials calling themselves Brahmans continued to work at the Cambodian Court,where they were entrusted with the performance of Royal rituals and with maintaining astronomical tables,when monastic Theravada Buddhism is added to these two "Religions"we note that the three categories for religious activity singled out by Chou survived,in modified form into very recent times .Chou account make make it clear that many of the people living at Angkor were slaves for he tells us that" those who have many(Slaves) have more than a hundred those who have only a few have from ten to twenty only the very poor have none at all, he went on to say that slaves are generally taken as captives from Mountain tribes, a practice that persisted into the colonial era,it seem likely in fact that this is the way Cambodia Society built itself up ,overtime gradually absorbing and socializing" Barbarians" who figure in such large numbers in the inscriptions, in Angkorean Times. moreover,slaves were set apart from other people by several prohibitions,they can sit or lie down only underneath a house, for their work,they can ascend into the house but then they must kneel down,join their hands together and prostrate themselves .after that they can move forward,slaves enjoyed no civil privileges their marriages were not even recognized by the state forced to call their Masters "Father" and their mistresses"Mother" they tried frequently to escape and when caught were tattooed mutilated or chained.
Although Chou is informative about people at Court and about the slaves he is vague about about proportion of Society in the 1290s that was neither in bondage nor part of the elite clearly ,the people with "A few" slaves would fall in to this categories so would the private landowners discussed in an earlier context by Merle and so would the Sino Cambodians who were active in international trade Special privileges were extended to the elite and to religious sects,and special prohibitions applied to slaves, but about those in between -the people in fact who probably made the Kingdom prosper -we know far less than we would like.when Chou goes into detail however,his account is often illuminating his description of what he called a new year's festival, which occurred toward the end of November,is a good example of his narrative skill:
" In front of Royal Palace,a great platform is built,capable of holding a thousand people, and decorated with lanterns and flowers, in front of it, at a distance of one hundred and twenty feet ,
another platform is built one hundred and twenty feet high by laying pieces of wood end to end ,
this is done the same way as a scaffolding for Buddhist Stu-pas Each night,three ,four,five,
or six of these are built on top of them,Rockets and Firecrackers are attached the cost of these
are built is met by the provinces and by the Noble Family,when night has fallen ,the King
is asked to watch the spec-table ,the Rockets are released and Fire crackers Lighted the Rockets
can be seen [about a mile] away ,,The festival goes on like this for fifteen days ,
Every month there is a Festival.
This ceremony,probably observed by Chou himself, appears to have been celebrated at the end of rainy season, when the water of the Tonle-Sap begin to subside,setting in motion the first stages of the Agriculture year, after the move to Phnompenh in the fifteenth century,the ceremony became known as the water Festival and was similarly marked by Fireworks,Floats and the Royal patronage until the Monarchy was overthrown in 1970.
As for agriculture, Chou noted that three or even four rice harvests a yea were possible-a statistic singled out by Democratic Kampuchea in its efforts to revolutionize production, it is unlikely that this abundance applied throughout the country,for Angkor. several harvests were possible only because of the concentration of manpower there.the rich alluvial soil.and the water storage system perfected in the region over several hundred years,Another factor was the peculiarly helpful conduct of the Tonle Sap, and according to Chou's comments on the agricultural cycle's relationship to this beneficent body of water,
"In the country it rains for half of the year in other half,it hardly rains at all ,from the fourth to the
ninth month,it rains every afternoon,and the water level of the Great Lake can reach seven or eight
fathoms[approximately 50 feet],The big tree are drowned,only their tops can be seen,People who live
on the shores all go away to the mountains later,from the tenth month to the third [of the following year] not a drop of rain falls ,and the Great Lake can be navigated only by small Boats... the People come back down at this point and plant their Rice"
The"Miracle" of the Tonle Sap amazed many subsequent travelers to Angkor ,as long as the region supported a large population,the deposits left by receding water provided useful nutrients for soil,
even after Angkor was abandoned, the lake remained the most densely populated natural fishbowl in the world,providing generations of Cambodians with much of protein for their diet.
We would welcome the chance to interrogate Chou about the working of Agriculture at this time,for example how was the rice surplus of handled?were cultivators for the most part free people or some kind of slaves? Did agriculture differ markedly at Angkor from that in other parts of the Kingdom? How much land was in the hands of members of Royal Family and how much was controlled by Buddhist Wats?What did this control imply?
=As we have no answers to these questions, we must be Grateful to Chou for what he gives us, His description of rural marketing,for example,could easily have been written about Cambodia in the 1990s.
In this country,it is the women are who are concerned with commerce,Everyday,market takes place which begins at six in the morning and ends at noon,there is no market made up for shops where people live,instead, people use a piece of matting,which they spread out onto the Earth ,each of them has her own location,and I believe that fees are charged for these locations.
It seem likely,in view of Cambodia's trade in China, that many Chinese had by this time settled in Cambodia to engage in commerce according to Chou, the products exported by Cambodia in the thirteenth century were those that had been exported since the time of "Funan" they were to form the Bulk of Cambodia exports until the twentieth century,these were such High-Value, low bulk items as Rhinoceros horns.Ivory.Beeswax.Lacquer.Pepper.and Cardamom imported products included Paper and Metal goods .Porcelain.Silk.and Wicker.It is unclear from Chou's account how products were paid for,but it seems likely that some form of Barter took place at the rural level,with Chinese Coins and Credit in circulation at Angkor and at the Ports.
Chou was fascinated by the King Reigning at Angkor during his Visit(Indravarman III r 1296-1308) but he seems to observed the King five time.
"Everyday the King hold two audiences to deal with Government affairs there is no set agenda,
Functionaries or common people who want to see him sit on the ground and wait for to appear."
The King had reached the throne,Chou remarked,in a curious manner.
The new King was the Son-in Law of the former one (JayavarmanVII before assuming the throne,he was a general) Now the Father loved his Daughter,but she robbed him of his Golden Sword,an took it to her husband,thus the King's true son was deprived of the succession..[Indravarman]had this Prince's toes cut off and hid him in a cell.
These events, which had taken place just before the Chinese Embassy's arrival, are alluded to discreetly by some inscriptions that date from Indravarman's Reign,one of them refers to the " Old Age" of Jayavarman VII and a "Host of Enemies" inside the Kingdom,another mentions that Indravarman shaded the country with his single umbrella,where no shade had existed before,under, a crowd of such umbrella.
The transition between the Reigns of Jayavarman VII and Indravarman III,in fact,probably marked a sharp transition in Cambodia history, although we do not learn of it from Chou. under Jayavarman VII in 1285,the last temple the Mangalartha was erected in the Angkor Region,we know that Indravarman III was careful to sponsored Theravada Buddhists as well as Brahmans and it is tempting to speculate about a religious ingredient in his apparently nonviolent coup d'e'tat.
The King's procession.like so much else in Chou's Account gains in interest when compare with similar procession with the one Marking Sihanouk's coronation.or other twentieth century procession for which records have survived,that ceremonial Cambodia life and the hier-time and our own era ,in Chou's words.
When the King goes out,troops are at the head of the escort,then come flags Banner and Music,Palace women,numbering from three to five hundred,wearing flowers cloth,with flowers in their hair,hold Candles are Lighted then come other Palace women ,bearing Royal paraphernalia made of Gold and Silver,,then come the Palace women carrying lances and shield. And the King's private guards,,,Carts drawn by Goats and Horses ,all in Gold,come next,Minister and princes are mounted on elephants and in front of them one can see, from afar, their innumerable in red umbrella,after them come the wives and concubines of King in palanquins,carriages,on horse back,and on elephants they have more than hundred parasols flecked with gold,behind them comes the sovereign,standing on an elephants,holding his sacred sword in his hand,the elephant's tusks are encased in Gold.
Chou then described a Royal audience of the sort that Indravarman conducted on daily basis and closed his account by remarking superciliously,one can see by all this that even though it is a Kingdom of Barbarians these people certainly know what a ruler is .
The End of Chou Ta Koun Visit at Angkor.
The account,in translation, runs to fewer than forty pages divided in to forty sections,these page from a short paragraph to several pages and,topically.from Religion,Justice,Kingship,and Agriculture,(to name only four) to birds,Vegetables, Bathing customs,and Slaves, many features of thirteenth century Cambodia life he described including clothing,Tools,Draft animals,and Aspects of rural commerce are still observable 1990s,and other such as slavery,sumptuary Laws,and trail by ordeal endured in modified from until the nineteenth century at least.
Five of Chou's sections deserve detailed attention those dealing with Religion,Slaves,Festivals,Agriculture,and the King's excursions,Chou found three Religions enjoying official status at Angkor,they appear to have been Brahmanism,Theravada Buddhism, and Shaivism,the Brahmans, Chou noted,often attained high position as officials but he could find little else to say about them,I do not know what models they follow,and they have nothing which one could call a school or a place of teaching,it is difficult, also to know what books they read.The Theravada Monks,known colloquially by a Thai phrase(Chao Ku) closely resembled their twentieth century counterparts in Theravada Southeast Asia,they shave their heads,and wear yellow robes,leaving the right shoulder bare,for the lower half of the body,they wear a yellow skirt,they are barefoot.
Like the Palace and the houses of high officials,Chou tell us ,Buddhist monasteries could have tile roofs,but those of ordinary people had to be made of thatch Chou was impressed by the simplicity of the "Wat" noting that (unlike Mahayana Temples in China) they contained no bells,Cymbals.
Flags ,or platform housing only an image of the Buddha made of gilded plaster,finally,
Chou described the method used to inscribe palm leaf manuscripts,which persisted well in to the twentieth century,particularly in the case of religious and historical texts,
The Shaivites,who Chou called "Taoists" inhabited monasteries that were less prosperous than Buddhist ones,in which "the only image which they revers is a block of stone analogous to the stone found in shrines of the God of the soil in China,although monastic Shaivism declined in importance after the abandonment of Angkor and eventually disappeared altogether, Indianized cults,including the use of Linga, continued into modern times, and officials calling themselves Brahmans continued to work at the Cambodian Court,where they were entrusted with the performance of Royal rituals and with maintaining astronomical tables,when monastic Theravada Buddhism is added to these two "Religions"we note that the three categories for religious activity singled out by Chou survived,in modified form into very recent times .Chou account make make it clear that many of the people living at Angkor were slaves for he tells us that" those who have many(Slaves) have more than a hundred those who have only a few have from ten to twenty only the very poor have none at all, he went on to say that slaves are generally taken as captives from Mountain tribes, a practice that persisted into the colonial era,it seem likely in fact that this is the way Cambodia Society built itself up ,overtime gradually absorbing and socializing" Barbarians" who figure in such large numbers in the inscriptions, in Angkorean Times. moreover,slaves were set apart from other people by several prohibitions,they can sit or lie down only underneath a house, for their work,they can ascend into the house but then they must kneel down,join their hands together and prostrate themselves .after that they can move forward,slaves enjoyed no civil privileges their marriages were not even recognized by the state forced to call their Masters "Father" and their mistresses"Mother" they tried frequently to escape and when caught were tattooed mutilated or chained.
Although Chou is informative about people at Court and about the slaves he is vague about about proportion of Society in the 1290s that was neither in bondage nor part of the elite clearly ,the people with "A few" slaves would fall in to this categories so would the private landowners discussed in an earlier context by Merle and so would the Sino Cambodians who were active in international trade Special privileges were extended to the elite and to religious sects,and special prohibitions applied to slaves, but about those in between -the people in fact who probably made the Kingdom prosper -we know far less than we would like.when Chou goes into detail however,his account is often illuminating his description of what he called a new year's festival, which occurred toward the end of November,is a good example of his narrative skill:
" In front of Royal Palace,a great platform is built,capable of holding a thousand people, and decorated with lanterns and flowers, in front of it, at a distance of one hundred and twenty feet ,
another platform is built one hundred and twenty feet high by laying pieces of wood end to end ,
this is done the same way as a scaffolding for Buddhist Stu-pas Each night,three ,four,five,
or six of these are built on top of them,Rockets and Firecrackers are attached the cost of these
are built is met by the provinces and by the Noble Family,when night has fallen ,the King
is asked to watch the spec-table ,the Rockets are released and Fire crackers Lighted the Rockets
can be seen [about a mile] away ,,The festival goes on like this for fifteen days ,
Every month there is a Festival.
This ceremony,probably observed by Chou himself, appears to have been celebrated at the end of rainy season, when the water of the Tonle-Sap begin to subside,setting in motion the first stages of the Agriculture year, after the move to Phnompenh in the fifteenth century,the ceremony became known as the water Festival and was similarly marked by Fireworks,Floats and the Royal patronage until the Monarchy was overthrown in 1970.
As for agriculture, Chou noted that three or even four rice harvests a yea were possible-a statistic singled out by Democratic Kampuchea in its efforts to revolutionize production, it is unlikely that this abundance applied throughout the country,for Angkor. several harvests were possible only because of the concentration of manpower there.the rich alluvial soil.and the water storage system perfected in the region over several hundred years,Another factor was the peculiarly helpful conduct of the Tonle Sap, and according to Chou's comments on the agricultural cycle's relationship to this beneficent body of water,
"In the country it rains for half of the year in other half,it hardly rains at all ,from the fourth to the
ninth month,it rains every afternoon,and the water level of the Great Lake can reach seven or eight
fathoms[approximately 50 feet],The big tree are drowned,only their tops can be seen,People who live
on the shores all go away to the mountains later,from the tenth month to the third [of the following year] not a drop of rain falls ,and the Great Lake can be navigated only by small Boats... the People come back down at this point and plant their Rice"
The"Miracle" of the Tonle Sap amazed many subsequent travelers to Angkor ,as long as the region supported a large population,the deposits left by receding water provided useful nutrients for soil,
even after Angkor was abandoned, the lake remained the most densely populated natural fishbowl in the world,providing generations of Cambodians with much of protein for their diet.
We would welcome the chance to interrogate Chou about the working of Agriculture at this time,for example how was the rice surplus of handled?were cultivators for the most part free people or some kind of slaves? Did agriculture differ markedly at Angkor from that in other parts of the Kingdom? How much land was in the hands of members of Royal Family and how much was controlled by Buddhist Wats?What did this control imply?
=As we have no answers to these questions, we must be Grateful to Chou for what he gives us, His description of rural marketing,for example,could easily have been written about Cambodia in the 1990s.
In this country,it is the women are who are concerned with commerce,Everyday,market takes place which begins at six in the morning and ends at noon,there is no market made up for shops where people live,instead, people use a piece of matting,which they spread out onto the Earth ,each of them has her own location,and I believe that fees are charged for these locations.
It seem likely,in view of Cambodia's trade in China, that many Chinese had by this time settled in Cambodia to engage in commerce according to Chou, the products exported by Cambodia in the thirteenth century were those that had been exported since the time of "Funan" they were to form the Bulk of Cambodia exports until the twentieth century,these were such High-Value, low bulk items as Rhinoceros horns.Ivory.Beeswax.Lacquer.Pepper.and Cardamom imported products included Paper and Metal goods .Porcelain.Silk.and Wicker.It is unclear from Chou's account how products were paid for,but it seems likely that some form of Barter took place at the rural level,with Chinese Coins and Credit in circulation at Angkor and at the Ports.
Chou was fascinated by the King Reigning at Angkor during his Visit(Indravarman III r 1296-1308) but he seems to observed the King five time.
"Everyday the King hold two audiences to deal with Government affairs there is no set agenda,
Functionaries or common people who want to see him sit on the ground and wait for to appear."
The King had reached the throne,Chou remarked,in a curious manner.
The new King was the Son-in Law of the former one (JayavarmanVII before assuming the throne,he was a general) Now the Father loved his Daughter,but she robbed him of his Golden Sword,an took it to her husband,thus the King's true son was deprived of the succession..[Indravarman]had this Prince's toes cut off and hid him in a cell.
These events, which had taken place just before the Chinese Embassy's arrival, are alluded to discreetly by some inscriptions that date from Indravarman's Reign,one of them refers to the " Old Age" of Jayavarman VII and a "Host of Enemies" inside the Kingdom,another mentions that Indravarman shaded the country with his single umbrella,where no shade had existed before,under, a crowd of such umbrella.
The transition between the Reigns of Jayavarman VII and Indravarman III,in fact,probably marked a sharp transition in Cambodia history, although we do not learn of it from Chou. under Jayavarman VII in 1285,the last temple the Mangalartha was erected in the Angkor Region,we know that Indravarman III was careful to sponsored Theravada Buddhists as well as Brahmans and it is tempting to speculate about a religious ingredient in his apparently nonviolent coup d'e'tat.
The King's procession.like so much else in Chou's Account gains in interest when compare with similar procession with the one Marking Sihanouk's coronation.or other twentieth century procession for which records have survived,that ceremonial Cambodia life and the hier-time and our own era ,in Chou's words.
When the King goes out,troops are at the head of the escort,then come flags Banner and Music,Palace women,numbering from three to five hundred,wearing flowers cloth,with flowers in their hair,hold Candles are Lighted then come other Palace women ,bearing Royal paraphernalia made of Gold and Silver,,then come the Palace women carrying lances and shield. And the King's private guards,,,Carts drawn by Goats and Horses ,all in Gold,come next,Minister and princes are mounted on elephants and in front of them one can see, from afar, their innumerable in red umbrella,after them come the wives and concubines of King in palanquins,carriages,on horse back,and on elephants they have more than hundred parasols flecked with gold,behind them comes the sovereign,standing on an elephants,holding his sacred sword in his hand,the elephant's tusks are encased in Gold.
Chou then described a Royal audience of the sort that Indravarman conducted on daily basis and closed his account by remarking superciliously,one can see by all this that even though it is a Kingdom of Barbarians these people certainly know what a ruler is .
The End of Chou Ta Koun Visit at Angkor.
Theravada Buddhism and the Crisis 'Thirteenth Century'
The largest change affecting,Cambodia in the thirteenth century was the conversion of most of its people to the Theravada variant of Buddhism, discussed below,and what role Jayavarman VII played in this conversation is impossible to Judge ,the history of his Reign is the story of the imposition of one man's will on a population,a landscape,and a part of Asia,ostensibly in the service of an Ideal, Mahayana Buddhism,which in its allegedly"Liberating" fashion bears an ominous resemblance to the ideology of Democratic Of Kampuchea , which was also imposed from above, it is very doubtful that JayavarmanVII saw the Cambodian elite as his enemies ,as Pol Pot did,or preferred, " Forest people"to those living at Angkor,but his break with the past,his obsession with punitive expeditions,the impetuous grandeur of his building program,and his position of a national religion rather than his patronage of a Royal cult all have parallels with recent historical events,interestingly, the only feature of Angkorean life singled out for Praise by the Democratic Kampuchea was precisely the full scale mobilization of the people that JayavarmanVII,but very few other Kings,managed to carry out.
Some writers have connected Cambodia's coversation to Theravada Buddhism to the upheaval that affected Southeast Asia in wake of the Mongol invasions of China,others have seen it as evidence of the growing influence of Mon and Thai speaking people,who were already Theravada Buddhism, on the people of the Angkor,we know that wandering missionaries from the Mon language part of Siam,
from Burma ,and from Ceylon played an important part in the process and that Cambodian pilgrims visited Ceylon to learn about Theravada Buddhism and to obtain clerical credentials, we know some of the agents of the change, but it is difficult to say why conversion was so rapid and so widespread,some scholars argue that the Theravada variant,unlike Brahmanism or Mahayana Buddhism,was oriented toward ordinary people, other have seen the conversion as rejection of the personalized megalomania of Jayavarman VII,perhaps the most likely explanation,advanced by Brigg is that the increasing interaction between Khmer ,and Mon speaking residents of the Thai central plain, with the Mon being devotees of Theravada Buddhism,led gradually.over half a century or so.to the conversion of Khmer- speaking further East,we have no way of telling what aspects of the sect were more attractive than others, or which segments of Society were drawn most rapidly to it,the conversion in any case was by no means total, for Chou Ta Kuan, at the end of the thirteenth century, noted that Brahmanism and Shaivism,as well as Theravada Buddhism, still enjoyed the status of approved religions at Angkor, nor was it entirely peaceful,for it seem to have come after some sort of rebellion against Jayavarman VII's brand of Buddhism- exemplified by defacement of Buddha images at Bayon and elsewhere and by clumsy attempts to change some of the images , ethnographically,to Hindu ones.
In other words,it is likely that the thirteenth century the least recorded of the Angkorean centuries in terms of datable inscriptions was marked at Angkor by a serious religious upheaval or by succession
of upheaval,which had political causes and effects as well. The end of Jayavarman's Reign and the Reign of his successor, Indravarman II ,are both obscure, inscriptions found at the Bayon have little to say about this last phase of Jayavarman's life those at the four corners of his City,apparently all inscribed at the time of his Death,however provide helpful reference to Jayavarman's wars against the Chams and the Viet namese,these inscription are written, Coedes contended, in execrable Sanskrit, several of them ( like some of the bas-reliefs at the Bayon) are unfinished,almost as if the workmen had dropped their chisels on receiving news of the King's Death,this hypothetical scene is brought to life by the Swedist author Jan Myrdal writing about Angkor :
" The craftsmen were at work while the old master sat in the shade talking
Now and then they came over, to keep an eye on they work,then one of
The apprentice's comes running ,He shouts , Now he Death ,At this the
Craftsmen stopped hacking at the stone wall and put down their tools and
Went off home "
because of the grandeur of beginning of Jayavarman's Reign and the obscurity of its closing years,
some Authors have argued that he Died of leprosy after many years of isolation,evidence to support the argument springs from Cambodian oral tradition,already active by the end of thirteenth century,
that a leper King had Reigned at Angkor,and also from the absence of data concerning, the last years of his life . Although the contention that Jayavarman VII was a leper fits some of the evidence ,it is also possible that the "Leper King" was his successor, Indravarman II ,whose Reign is mentioned in only on inscription,which provides us with the date of his Death. there some evidence to connect his Monarch with the abortive Hindu revival alluded to above, but whether his Leprosy was real or invented by his enemies to describe serious failures of Kingship (Connected,perhaps,with defeats at the hands of Thai Armies in the Mid thirteenth century) we know almost nothing about events inside Cambodia between Jayavarman's Death, perhaps around 1220 ,and the arrival of Chinese Embassy,sent by the Yuan emperor at Angkor in 1296.
The Dearth of information coincides with a critical period of Cambodian history ,the thirteenth century as a whole was a period of crisis throughout mainland and insular Southeast Asia ,a time of rapid change, significant movements of population,foreign invasions,altered patterns of trade, the appearance of new religions,and shifts in the balance of Power,in Burma,Siam,Lao and Cambodia ,the major change was the growth of Theravada Buddhism at the expense of state-sponsored and caste-enhancing Hindu cult,in the long run,this change had several ramifications, Brahmans retained their positions at Court for ceremonial purposes but otherwise diminished in importance the rich mythical and literary bases of Indian literature and iconography, reflected up to now in bas- reliefs ,Sculpture,Architecture, and inscriptions,narrowed perceptibly to satisfy the more austere requirements of Theravada Aesthetics,and Cambodia literature,like the local version of the Ramayana,came to be suffused with Buddhist values.
In term of foreign relations, the most important development affecting Cambodia at this time was the weakening of control over the people to the Northwest of Angkor, in present day Thailand although Cambodia cultural influence remained strong in the central plain (Where the Thai Capital of Ayudhya was to be founded in fourteenth century) Cambodian Political control diminished, Principalities that formerly sent tribute to Angkor,like Sukot' Ai and Louvo, now declared their independence,so did principalities in Laos, and others to South,Angkor was one again vulnerable to invasion from every direction but the East, as Champa was no longer a power to be reckoned with,a major Thai invasion,in fact,occurred toward the end of the thirteenth century.
The End of Theravada Buddhism and the Crisis of the thirteenth Century,
Some writers have connected Cambodia's coversation to Theravada Buddhism to the upheaval that affected Southeast Asia in wake of the Mongol invasions of China,others have seen it as evidence of the growing influence of Mon and Thai speaking people,who were already Theravada Buddhism, on the people of the Angkor,we know that wandering missionaries from the Mon language part of Siam,
from Burma ,and from Ceylon played an important part in the process and that Cambodian pilgrims visited Ceylon to learn about Theravada Buddhism and to obtain clerical credentials, we know some of the agents of the change, but it is difficult to say why conversion was so rapid and so widespread,some scholars argue that the Theravada variant,unlike Brahmanism or Mahayana Buddhism,was oriented toward ordinary people, other have seen the conversion as rejection of the personalized megalomania of Jayavarman VII,perhaps the most likely explanation,advanced by Brigg is that the increasing interaction between Khmer ,and Mon speaking residents of the Thai central plain, with the Mon being devotees of Theravada Buddhism,led gradually.over half a century or so.to the conversion of Khmer- speaking further East,we have no way of telling what aspects of the sect were more attractive than others, or which segments of Society were drawn most rapidly to it,the conversion in any case was by no means total, for Chou Ta Kuan, at the end of the thirteenth century, noted that Brahmanism and Shaivism,as well as Theravada Buddhism, still enjoyed the status of approved religions at Angkor, nor was it entirely peaceful,for it seem to have come after some sort of rebellion against Jayavarman VII's brand of Buddhism- exemplified by defacement of Buddha images at Bayon and elsewhere and by clumsy attempts to change some of the images , ethnographically,to Hindu ones.
In other words,it is likely that the thirteenth century the least recorded of the Angkorean centuries in terms of datable inscriptions was marked at Angkor by a serious religious upheaval or by succession
of upheaval,which had political causes and effects as well. The end of Jayavarman's Reign and the Reign of his successor, Indravarman II ,are both obscure, inscriptions found at the Bayon have little to say about this last phase of Jayavarman's life those at the four corners of his City,apparently all inscribed at the time of his Death,however provide helpful reference to Jayavarman's wars against the Chams and the Viet namese,these inscription are written, Coedes contended, in execrable Sanskrit, several of them ( like some of the bas-reliefs at the Bayon) are unfinished,almost as if the workmen had dropped their chisels on receiving news of the King's Death,this hypothetical scene is brought to life by the Swedist author Jan Myrdal writing about Angkor :
" The craftsmen were at work while the old master sat in the shade talking
Now and then they came over, to keep an eye on they work,then one of
The apprentice's comes running ,He shouts , Now he Death ,At this the
Craftsmen stopped hacking at the stone wall and put down their tools and
Went off home "
because of the grandeur of beginning of Jayavarman's Reign and the obscurity of its closing years,
some Authors have argued that he Died of leprosy after many years of isolation,evidence to support the argument springs from Cambodian oral tradition,already active by the end of thirteenth century,
that a leper King had Reigned at Angkor,and also from the absence of data concerning, the last years of his life . Although the contention that Jayavarman VII was a leper fits some of the evidence ,it is also possible that the "Leper King" was his successor, Indravarman II ,whose Reign is mentioned in only on inscription,which provides us with the date of his Death. there some evidence to connect his Monarch with the abortive Hindu revival alluded to above, but whether his Leprosy was real or invented by his enemies to describe serious failures of Kingship (Connected,perhaps,with defeats at the hands of Thai Armies in the Mid thirteenth century) we know almost nothing about events inside Cambodia between Jayavarman's Death, perhaps around 1220 ,and the arrival of Chinese Embassy,sent by the Yuan emperor at Angkor in 1296.
The Dearth of information coincides with a critical period of Cambodian history ,the thirteenth century as a whole was a period of crisis throughout mainland and insular Southeast Asia ,a time of rapid change, significant movements of population,foreign invasions,altered patterns of trade, the appearance of new religions,and shifts in the balance of Power,in Burma,Siam,Lao and Cambodia ,the major change was the growth of Theravada Buddhism at the expense of state-sponsored and caste-enhancing Hindu cult,in the long run,this change had several ramifications, Brahmans retained their positions at Court for ceremonial purposes but otherwise diminished in importance the rich mythical and literary bases of Indian literature and iconography, reflected up to now in bas- reliefs ,Sculpture,Architecture, and inscriptions,narrowed perceptibly to satisfy the more austere requirements of Theravada Aesthetics,and Cambodia literature,like the local version of the Ramayana,came to be suffused with Buddhist values.
In term of foreign relations, the most important development affecting Cambodia at this time was the weakening of control over the people to the Northwest of Angkor, in present day Thailand although Cambodia cultural influence remained strong in the central plain (Where the Thai Capital of Ayudhya was to be founded in fourteenth century) Cambodian Political control diminished, Principalities that formerly sent tribute to Angkor,like Sukot' Ai and Louvo, now declared their independence,so did principalities in Laos, and others to South,Angkor was one again vulnerable to invasion from every direction but the East, as Champa was no longer a power to be reckoned with,a major Thai invasion,in fact,occurred toward the end of the thirteenth century.
The End of Theravada Buddhism and the Crisis of the thirteenth Century,
Society,State & Foreign Relations
In the half of century or so before the arrival of French,who established a protectorate over Cambodia in 1863,Cambodia ideas about political geography did not include the notion that "Cambodia "was defined primarily by the lines enclosing it on a map. Maps were rarely used, and no locally draw map of Cambodia in early nineteenth century appears to have survived,instead , to the people who lived there,Cambodia "probably meant the Srok ,where Cambodia was spoken and more narrowly, those who Leaders ( Jao Vai Srok) had received their official tiles and seal of office from Cambodia King,.
Cambodia also thought of their Country,metaphorically,as a walled city with several imaginary gates,one chronicle places these at Sambor in the Northwest, Mekong,kompong Svay North of Tonle Sap, Posat in the Northwest,Kampot on the Coast,and Chau Doc,technically.across the frontier in Vietnam in the Mekong Delta,Fittingly,these gates were the place where invading armies traditionally swept in to Cambodia ,the territory they enclosed,in in the form of a gigantic Letter "C" there was no Eastern gate,for armies did not cross the Anna-mite cordillera covered roughly half the area of Cambodia today.
Society and Economy
Little information about the size and composition of Cambodia's Population in the period has survived.during the period of Vietnamese suzerainty in the 1830s,a census was taken,but the Vietnamese dismissed its figures as deflated French administrators in the1860s,working from roughly compiled Tax rolls, estimated Cambodia's population at slightly less than a million, the area between Cambodia's imaginary gates,therefore,may have supported about three-quarters of million people in 1840s,but probably fewer,for the records are filled with accounts of regions being depopulated by famine flight,and invading armies.
This population was overwhelmingly rural, the largest town,Phnom Penh, probably never held more than twenty five thousand people the Royal Capital at Udong and the villages around it supported a population of ten thousand or so in the late 1850s,and the Khmer speaking City at battambong, rebuilt by the Thai in late 1830s,had three thousand inhabitants in 1839s,the only parts of the Kingdom that were relatively densely settled before the 1860s were those to the south and east of Phnom Penh, like Ba Phnom and Bati , and to the north along the Mekong river South of Chhloung ,significantly,
these relatively wealthy Srok were often located outside the routes of invation and retreat chosen by the Thai and Vietnamese.nearly all the people were Ethnic Khmer, who occupied themselves with rice farming and with monastic and official life, commercial and industrial tasks were handled by minority groups,marketing, garden farming,and foreign trade,for example,were handled by Chinese or by people of Chinese descent,Cattle trading,weaving, and commercial fisheries were controlled by a Muslim minority composed partly of immigrations fromMalay archipelago-misleadingly known as Chvea or Javanese,in Khmer-and partly of immigrations from Champa,the Kui people in northern part of the country smelted Cambodia's small deposits of iron ore,in the Capital,a handful of descendants of Portuguese settles who had arrived in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries served as translators for the King and were in Charge of his artillery pieces before 1830s there seem to have been few Vietnamese residents indeed,even without accurate statistics,it seem likely that there were proportionately fewer of these various groups in the Kingdom until the arrival of the French, when the numbers of Chinese and Vietnamese residents in particular increase enormously.near the imaginary gates in thinly populated Srok like Kratie .Porsat and Kompong svay, tribal groups,such as the Porr,Stieng and Somrae lived insolated villages and collected the forest products that formed the main source of a Mornarch's income and bulk of goods that Cambodia sent abroad.by the standards of other states in Southeast Asia ,Cambodia was poor,unlike Burma and Laos, its soil contained few germs or precious metals.unlike Siam.its manufacturing,trade,and commerce were underdeveloped and finished goods ,like Brass ware,Porcelain,and Firearms,came from abroad,unlike Vietnam.Its communications were poor and its internal markets undeveloped,Agricultural and surpluses were rare saving were low,and money was used only at the Palace and by minority groups,Cambodia had a subsistence economy,most of its people spent most of their time growing rice,Landholdings tended to be small- even high officials seldom had access to more than a few Hectares- yields were low,and irrigation works, which might have increased production,were rare.
To the Vietnamese emperor,Minh Mang, writing in 1834 Cambodia was truly "barbarian" country because"The people do not know the the proper way to grow food,they use mattocks and hoes,but no Oxen, they grow enough rice to have two meal a day,but they do not know how to store rice for an emergency" villagers often maintained a common pond, or Trapaeng , to water their rice,but there were no longer any of the dams and canals that had characterized Angkorean Civilization, this was partly because there were now so few mouths to feed, there were no incentives and little technology for farmers to vary their crops or increase their holding, communications between the Srok were Poor,there were no Road to speak of until the 1830s,and bandits,invading armies,and the followers of local officials carried off what surpluses they could find..Foreign trade was restricted by the fact that the potentially important intrepid of Phnom Penh was cut off from the outside world for most of this period by the authorities in Southern Viet Nam.after 1808 in fact visitors to to PhnomPenh needs Vietnamese permission to go there.Prot on Gulf of Siam.like Kampot,engaged in some coastal and en insular trade , but they were more closely integrated into the Vietnamese and Thai economies than into Cambodia one,
A few ships traded with central Cambodia ever year,Cargo list from two of these,bound for China and Japan respectively in about 1810 have survived their cargo consisted of relatively small amounts of several different products 300 pound of Ivory and 200 pounds of pepper,for example.were among the good exported to Japan ,those going to China included small consignments of Cardamom,hides
tortoise shell,and aromatic wood exported to Vietnam in the 1820s trade with Vietnamese was conducted partly in a tributary framework -included such Goods as ivory Gut ta Percha,Cardamom,Dry Fish,and Elephant hides,
These were traditional exports,the list are like others that have come down from the seventeenth century and even from Angkorean period,external trade-including tribute,as we shall see-was an important source of the King's revenues and probably was important to the Chinese community in Phnom Penh and to privileged members of the King's entourage,but it was insignificant as far as the rest of the Country was concerned, most Cambodians lived in the villages ,these can be divided,for the early nineteenth century at lease,into three broad types,the first can be called "KomPong" after the Malay word meaning "Landing-place"which often formed part of their names as in "Kom Pong Svay"
and "Kom Pong Som"these were located along navigable bodies of water and could support populations of several hundred people,often they would include Chao Vai Srok and his assistants,
the Kom Pong was usually enclosed in a stockade, some of the inhabitants were likely to be Chinese or Sino Khmer,Maly,and Cham, although minorities tended to keep to themselves in separate hamlets the formed elements of Kom Pong, Kom Pong were in touch with others on the same body of water, with rice growing villages around them,and indirectly with the Capital and the Court through trading,Travel,Hearsay,and Invasions,people in Kom Pong had some awareness of evens elsewhere.
Rice growing villages,the second category,enclosed the Kom Pong ideally,in a broken arc,poorer and smaller then Kom Pong,rice growing villages were numerous and more likely to be populations by ethnic Khmer,Houses were scattered around in no special order near s Buddhist Monastery, or Wat,
and also near the Pond or stream that provided water for the village, rice growing village were linked to the Kom Pong and the world beyond in irregular ways-through incursions of officials looking for recruits or rice,through the Wat, who Monks were encouraged to travel about in the dry season,
through festivals at the new year and at other points in the calendar and through trade with the Kom Pong ,exchanging rice and forest products for Metal,Cloth and Salt,
Rice growing villages were unstable because they lacked means of defense and because ,unlike in Viet nam,no institutionalized ancestor cult anchored people to one place rather than another,the chronicles are filled with references to villagers running off into the forest in times of crisis,in times of peace,their lives were sharped by the contours of the agricultural year and ceremonies -Buddhist .Animist,and Vaguely Hindu- that marked off one stage of the rice-growing cycle from another, The opposition between"Wild and Civilized", notes in the discussion of the "Ream Kei"in chapters 5,persisted in the literature of the nineteenth century ,a Verse chronicle from Wat Baray ,in the north-central part of the Kingdom.Deals with this theme repeatedly while offering a chronological treatment of nineteenth century events, the chronicle relates the fortunes of a bureaucratic family caught up in the turmoil of Viet nam occupation and Civil war,driven in to the forest ,they lose their identity,regaining it only when new titles are bestowed on male members,first by a Thai Monarch and letters by a Cambodian one,the chronicle was composed to celebrated the restoration of Wat Baray in 1856,and the audience to whom it was recited would for the most part have recognized the even related it in as true ,what gives the chronicle its literacy resonance is the way in which the lives of the characters follow patterns laid down for them by the Ream Kei,and Buddhist ideology, the restoration of their status accompanied the restoration of the King.demerit was seen,in some way,as associated with the forest a lack of official titles,and misbehavior impossible to trace.
Similarity,in a poignant Cambodian folktale,probably well known in the 1800s,three girl who who are abandoned by their mother become wild and return to birds, happily crossing the border between forest and field where,as it turns out,the birds they have become are most frequently to be found,because people grip on the things we take for granted was so precarious in nineteenth century Cambodia -dependent on the good will of foreigners and Overlords,on rainfall,and on health in a tropical climate- it is understandable that"Civilization" or the art of remaining outside the forest,was taken so seriously by Poets and Audience alike,the third type of village lay hidden in the "Prey"or Wilderness" that make up most of Cambodia at this time.here the people were illiterate and usually non-Buddhist,they spoke languages related to Khmer but owed no loyalties to the Kompong or Capital unless these had been forced from them,the villages were frequently raided for slaves,and they were economically important because they were able to exploit forest resource that were valued in the Capital and abroad,their political loyalties,however,were to other villages in the "Prey" where people spoke the same dialect and performed similar religious rites,.,
The End of Society,State&Foreign Relations.
Cambodia also thought of their Country,metaphorically,as a walled city with several imaginary gates,one chronicle places these at Sambor in the Northwest, Mekong,kompong Svay North of Tonle Sap, Posat in the Northwest,Kampot on the Coast,and Chau Doc,technically.across the frontier in Vietnam in the Mekong Delta,Fittingly,these gates were the place where invading armies traditionally swept in to Cambodia ,the territory they enclosed,in in the form of a gigantic Letter "C" there was no Eastern gate,for armies did not cross the Anna-mite cordillera covered roughly half the area of Cambodia today.Society and Economy
Little information about the size and composition of Cambodia's Population in the period has survived.during the period of Vietnamese suzerainty in the 1830s,a census was taken,but the Vietnamese dismissed its figures as deflated French administrators in the1860s,working from roughly compiled Tax rolls, estimated Cambodia's population at slightly less than a million, the area between Cambodia's imaginary gates,therefore,may have supported about three-quarters of million people in 1840s,but probably fewer,for the records are filled with accounts of regions being depopulated by famine flight,and invading armies.
This population was overwhelmingly rural, the largest town,Phnom Penh, probably never held more than twenty five thousand people the Royal Capital at Udong and the villages around it supported a population of ten thousand or so in the late 1850s,and the Khmer speaking City at battambong, rebuilt by the Thai in late 1830s,had three thousand inhabitants in 1839s,the only parts of the Kingdom that were relatively densely settled before the 1860s were those to the south and east of Phnom Penh, like Ba Phnom and Bati , and to the north along the Mekong river South of Chhloung ,significantly,
these relatively wealthy Srok were often located outside the routes of invation and retreat chosen by the Thai and Vietnamese.nearly all the people were Ethnic Khmer, who occupied themselves with rice farming and with monastic and official life, commercial and industrial tasks were handled by minority groups,marketing, garden farming,and foreign trade,for example,were handled by Chinese or by people of Chinese descent,Cattle trading,weaving, and commercial fisheries were controlled by a Muslim minority composed partly of immigrations fromMalay archipelago-misleadingly known as Chvea or Javanese,in Khmer-and partly of immigrations from Champa,the Kui people in northern part of the country smelted Cambodia's small deposits of iron ore,in the Capital,a handful of descendants of Portuguese settles who had arrived in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries served as translators for the King and were in Charge of his artillery pieces before 1830s there seem to have been few Vietnamese residents indeed,even without accurate statistics,it seem likely that there were proportionately fewer of these various groups in the Kingdom until the arrival of the French, when the numbers of Chinese and Vietnamese residents in particular increase enormously.near the imaginary gates in thinly populated Srok like Kratie .Porsat and Kompong svay, tribal groups,such as the Porr,Stieng and Somrae lived insolated villages and collected the forest products that formed the main source of a Mornarch's income and bulk of goods that Cambodia sent abroad.by the standards of other states in Southeast Asia ,Cambodia was poor,unlike Burma and Laos, its soil contained few germs or precious metals.unlike Siam.its manufacturing,trade,and commerce were underdeveloped and finished goods ,like Brass ware,Porcelain,and Firearms,came from abroad,unlike Vietnam.Its communications were poor and its internal markets undeveloped,Agricultural and surpluses were rare saving were low,and money was used only at the Palace and by minority groups,Cambodia had a subsistence economy,most of its people spent most of their time growing rice,Landholdings tended to be small- even high officials seldom had access to more than a few Hectares- yields were low,and irrigation works, which might have increased production,were rare.
To the Vietnamese emperor,Minh Mang, writing in 1834 Cambodia was truly "barbarian" country because"The people do not know the the proper way to grow food,they use mattocks and hoes,but no Oxen, they grow enough rice to have two meal a day,but they do not know how to store rice for an emergency" villagers often maintained a common pond, or Trapaeng , to water their rice,but there were no longer any of the dams and canals that had characterized Angkorean Civilization, this was partly because there were now so few mouths to feed, there were no incentives and little technology for farmers to vary their crops or increase their holding, communications between the Srok were Poor,there were no Road to speak of until the 1830s,and bandits,invading armies,and the followers of local officials carried off what surpluses they could find..Foreign trade was restricted by the fact that the potentially important intrepid of Phnom Penh was cut off from the outside world for most of this period by the authorities in Southern Viet Nam.after 1808 in fact visitors to to PhnomPenh needs Vietnamese permission to go there.Prot on Gulf of Siam.like Kampot,engaged in some coastal and en insular trade , but they were more closely integrated into the Vietnamese and Thai economies than into Cambodia one,
A few ships traded with central Cambodia ever year,Cargo list from two of these,bound for China and Japan respectively in about 1810 have survived their cargo consisted of relatively small amounts of several different products 300 pound of Ivory and 200 pounds of pepper,for example.were among the good exported to Japan ,those going to China included small consignments of Cardamom,hides
tortoise shell,and aromatic wood exported to Vietnam in the 1820s trade with Vietnamese was conducted partly in a tributary framework -included such Goods as ivory Gut ta Percha,Cardamom,Dry Fish,and Elephant hides,
These were traditional exports,the list are like others that have come down from the seventeenth century and even from Angkorean period,external trade-including tribute,as we shall see-was an important source of the King's revenues and probably was important to the Chinese community in Phnom Penh and to privileged members of the King's entourage,but it was insignificant as far as the rest of the Country was concerned, most Cambodians lived in the villages ,these can be divided,for the early nineteenth century at lease,into three broad types,the first can be called "KomPong" after the Malay word meaning "Landing-place"which often formed part of their names as in "Kom Pong Svay"
and "Kom Pong Som"these were located along navigable bodies of water and could support populations of several hundred people,often they would include Chao Vai Srok and his assistants,
the Kom Pong was usually enclosed in a stockade, some of the inhabitants were likely to be Chinese or Sino Khmer,Maly,and Cham, although minorities tended to keep to themselves in separate hamlets the formed elements of Kom Pong, Kom Pong were in touch with others on the same body of water, with rice growing villages around them,and indirectly with the Capital and the Court through trading,Travel,Hearsay,and Invasions,people in Kom Pong had some awareness of evens elsewhere.
Rice growing villages,the second category,enclosed the Kom Pong ideally,in a broken arc,poorer and smaller then Kom Pong,rice growing villages were numerous and more likely to be populations by ethnic Khmer,Houses were scattered around in no special order near s Buddhist Monastery, or Wat,
and also near the Pond or stream that provided water for the village, rice growing village were linked to the Kom Pong and the world beyond in irregular ways-through incursions of officials looking for recruits or rice,through the Wat, who Monks were encouraged to travel about in the dry season,
through festivals at the new year and at other points in the calendar and through trade with the Kom Pong ,exchanging rice and forest products for Metal,Cloth and Salt,
Rice growing villages were unstable because they lacked means of defense and because ,unlike in Viet nam,no institutionalized ancestor cult anchored people to one place rather than another,the chronicles are filled with references to villagers running off into the forest in times of crisis,in times of peace,their lives were sharped by the contours of the agricultural year and ceremonies -Buddhist .Animist,and Vaguely Hindu- that marked off one stage of the rice-growing cycle from another, The opposition between"Wild and Civilized", notes in the discussion of the "Ream Kei"in chapters 5,persisted in the literature of the nineteenth century ,a Verse chronicle from Wat Baray ,in the north-central part of the Kingdom.Deals with this theme repeatedly while offering a chronological treatment of nineteenth century events, the chronicle relates the fortunes of a bureaucratic family caught up in the turmoil of Viet nam occupation and Civil war,driven in to the forest ,they lose their identity,regaining it only when new titles are bestowed on male members,first by a Thai Monarch and letters by a Cambodian one,the chronicle was composed to celebrated the restoration of Wat Baray in 1856,and the audience to whom it was recited would for the most part have recognized the even related it in as true ,what gives the chronicle its literacy resonance is the way in which the lives of the characters follow patterns laid down for them by the Ream Kei,and Buddhist ideology, the restoration of their status accompanied the restoration of the King.demerit was seen,in some way,as associated with the forest a lack of official titles,and misbehavior impossible to trace.
Similarity,in a poignant Cambodian folktale,probably well known in the 1800s,three girl who who are abandoned by their mother become wild and return to birds, happily crossing the border between forest and field where,as it turns out,the birds they have become are most frequently to be found,because people grip on the things we take for granted was so precarious in nineteenth century Cambodia -dependent on the good will of foreigners and Overlords,on rainfall,and on health in a tropical climate- it is understandable that"Civilization" or the art of remaining outside the forest,was taken so seriously by Poets and Audience alike,the third type of village lay hidden in the "Prey"or Wilderness" that make up most of Cambodia at this time.here the people were illiterate and usually non-Buddhist,they spoke languages related to Khmer but owed no loyalties to the Kompong or Capital unless these had been forced from them,the villages were frequently raided for slaves,and they were economically important because they were able to exploit forest resource that were valued in the Capital and abroad,their political loyalties,however,were to other villages in the "Prey" where people spoke the same dialect and performed similar religious rites,.,
The End of Society,State&Foreign Relations.
១"អូសទូកកុំឲ្យលំអាន ចាប់ត្រីបានកុំឲ្យល្អក់ទឹក"
សេចក្កីផ្តើម
វដ្តទុក្ខ គឺទុក្ខទោសទាំងឡាយដែលវិលវល់ចុះឡើងប៉ះពាល់រាល់រូបឥតស្រាកស្រាន្ត។
ដូចច្នេះបណ្តាលអ្នកប្រាជ្ញគ្រប់សាសន៏បានចងក្រងជាបញ្ហា ជាភាសិត ជាបទចរិយា សាស្រ្តផ្សេងៗ ដើម្បីជាឧសថរំលត់ទោសនឹងជាយានដឹកនាំគាំពារបុផុជ្ជនក្នុងលោកឲ្យ
ចាកជៀសផុតពីអន្លង់ទុក្ខ នឹងឧបសក្គគ្រប់ជំពូកដែលកើតឡើងឥតទៀងទាត់។ ដូចយ៉ាង
ក្នុងច្បាប់ពាក្យចាស់លោកទូន្មានថា=
«អូសទូកកុំឲ្យលំអាន ចាប់ត្រីបានកុំឲ្យល្អក់ទឹក»
អត្ថានុរូប នឹងអត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
«អូសទូកកុំឲ្យលំអាន» «អូសទូក
នេះគឺទាញទូកពីទីគោកទៅដាក់ទឹក
«កុំឲ្យលំអាន»
គឺកុំឲ្យមានស្នាមនៅលើដីឬមានស្នាមនៅ
បាតទូកធ្លុធ្លាយព្រោះជាការនាំឲ្យសឹក
ដាច់បាតទូកឬអន្តរាធ្លុះធ្លាយទូកក៏មាន។
អ្នកប្រាជ្ញចង់ទូន្មានថា=កាលបើអូសទូក
គឺប្រកបការអ្វីមួយយ៉ាងពិបាកដោយមានឧបសក្គ
ជាច្រើននៅរាំងរានេះត្រូវប្រយត្ន័
«អូសទូកកុំឲ្យលំអាន»
គឺធ្វើការនោះទៅកុំឲ្យមានស្នាមពោល
គឺកុំឲ្យមានសៅហ្មងមានរឿងរ៉ាវអ្វីផ្សេងៗដែលអាច
ឲ្យទុក្ខទោសដល់ខ្លួននៅវេលា
ប្រតិបត្តិការនោះ។
«ចាប់ត្រីបានកុំឲ្យល្អក់ទឹក»
គឺធ្វើម្តេចឲ្យបានត្រីហើយទឹកនៅថ្លាដូចដើម
អ្នកប្រាជ្ញចង់ទូន្មានថាបើយើងប្រាថ្នានឹង«ចាប់ត្រី»គេនឹងធ្វើអ្វីឲ្យបានលាភមានផលដល់យើងនោះ
បើបានលាភត្រូវប្រយត្ន័កុំឲ្យមាន«ល្អក់ទឹក»គឺកុំឲ្យមានការសៅហ្មងដិតដល់ខ្លួនកុំឲ្យមានទុក្ខទោស
ដល់ខ្លួនក្នុងគ្រាក្រោយឡើយ។
ឧទាហរណ៏=
ការដែលឃោសនាខាងបោះឆ្នោតរើសតំណាងរាស្រ្តជាការមួយធ្វើដោយពិបាកព្រោះមានឧបសក្គ
ជាច្រើនមករាំរា។នោះក្នុងការដែលយើងថាពិបាកនេះបេក្ខជនដែលនិយាយឃោសនាឲ្យរាស្រ្តបោះ
ឆ្នោតជ្រើសខ្លួនជាតំណាងត្រូវខំឆ្លងឲ្យផុតពីការលំបាកដោយឥតមានសេចក្កីសៅហ្មងដិតដល់ខ្លួន
គឺប្រយត្ន័ខំទាញខ្លួនឲ្យចាកផុតនូវគំររឧបសក្គផ្សេងៗ។ដោយគ្នារឿងរ៉ាវអ្វីនឹងឲ្យទុក្ខទោសដល់ខ្លួន
ក្នុងវេលាប្រតិបត្តិការនោះ។
បេក្ខជនដែលដែលខំធ្វើឃោសនាយ៉ាងនេះគឺដើម្បីនឹងឲ្យបានសំរេចបំណងមួយឲ្យបានជាប់ឈ្មោះ
ជាតំណាងរាស្រ្តប៉ុន្តែបេក្ខជននេះមិនត្រូវភ្លេចថា«បើចាប់ត្រីបានកុំឲ្យល្អក់ទឹក»គឺបើនឹងជាប់ឈ្មោះ
ជាតំណាងរាស្រ្តគឺជាប់ដោយត្រឹមត្រូវដោយប្រព្រឹត្តិល្អស្អាតកុំឲ្យមានរឿងរ៉ាងផ្សេងៗដែលត្រឡប់
ជានាំខ្លួន«ឲ្យល្អក់»គឺឲ្យទទួលកុំហុសអ្វីមួយមកវិញបាន។
ម៉្យាងទៀតឋអ្នកជំនួញនូវអ្នករាជការគ្រប់ជាន់ថ្នាក់ក៏ត្រូវខំបំពេញកិច្ចការរបស់ខ្លួនរឿងៗខ្លួន
ដោយជៀសវាងកុំឲ្យមានការសៅហ្មងដឹតដល់ខ្លួនបាន។ដែលនឹងបានផលទៀតក៏កុំឲ្យល្អក់
គឺបានដោយសុខមិននាំឲ្យរំខានចិត្ត។
សេចក្កីបញ្ចប់=កិច្ចការសព្វសារពើដែលយើងបំរុងនឹងធ្វើឬដែលបានចាប់ធ្វើទៅហើយក៏ដោយ
តោងខំអូសខំទាញខំប្រយុទ្ធឲ្យដល់ត្រើយដោយប្រុងប្រយត្ន័ជាដរាបកុំឲ្យការនោះហុចទុក្ខ
ទោសមកដល់ខ្លួនវិញ៕
២"ឈើផ្លែច្រើនចាញ់ ស្លឹកត្រីច្រើនទឹកល្អក់ពុំជា"
សេចក្កីផ្តើម
ភាសិតទាំងឡាយដែលនឹងចងក្រងឡើងបានទុកជាកេរ៌្តតំណតកប្បកល្ប
ក៏មកពីអ្នកប្រាជ្ញរកឃើញសេចក្កីពិតដោយលោកស្គាល់ការសាកពិសោធន៏
យ៉ាងល្អិតល្អន់ក្នុងរបៀបរស់នៅនៃសង្គមដោយមានការសង្គេតមើលលក្ខណះ
នៃវត្ថុក្នុងធម្មជាតិហើយយកទៅប្រៀបធៀបនឹងលក្ខណះ«ករិយានៃមនុស្ស
ក្នុងលោកដូចយ៉ាងក្នុងច្បាប់កេរ៏្តកាលលោកចែងមកថា«
«ឈើច្រើនចាញ់ស្លឹក ត្រីច្រើនទឹកល្អក់ពុំជា»
អត្ថានុរូបរបស់ភាសិត វគ្គទី១«ឈើផ្លែច្រើនចាញ់ស្លឹក»
ឈើណាដែលមាន«ផ្លែច្រើន»នោះស្លឹកវាតែងវិនាស។
ពីព្រោះអ្វី?គឺកាលណាគេឃើញឈើនេះមានផ្លែច្រើនហើយគេនាំគ្នាចង់បាន
ផ្លែនោះដោយគ្រវែងនឹងដំថ្មឬដំបងថ្ពក់មួលយកទាំងស្លឹកឬអង្រួនមែកឬកាប់
យកទាំងមែកដើម្បីនឹងប្រឡោះយកផ្លែឲ្យបានស្រួលជាហេតុបណ្តាលឲ្យស្លឹក
ឈើដែលជាទីជំរកនៃផ្លែនេះរុះរោយវិនាសព្រោះតែផ្លែច្រើន។
ត្រីច្រើនទឹកល្អក់ពុំជា
ទឹកណាដែលមាន«ត្រីច្រើន»
ទឹកនោះនឹងល្អក់ខ្វល់ ពីព្រោះអ្វី?គឺកាលបើគេឃើញមានត្រីច្រើនហើយគេ
ក៏ចង់បានត្រីនោះដោយនាំគ្នាទៅចាប់
ទៅដួសទៅបង់ទៅត្រង់ដាក់ទ្រូដាក់លប
ជញ្ជត់ឬវាយទឹកដេញត្រីបញ្ជូលស៊ងជាហេតុ
បណ្តាលឲ្យទឹកនេះដែលជាជំ
រកនៃត្រីទៅចាល្អក់ខ្វល់អស់ព្រោះតែត្រីច្រើន។
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
បញ្ហាទាំងពីវគ្គនេះបានសេចក្កីថា=ជនដែលមានទ្រព្យធនច្រើនតែងជួបប្រទះនឹងការអន្តរាយច្រើនប្រការ
ព្រោះទ្រព្យធននេះតែងទាញទឹកចិត្តជនពាលឬចោរកំណាចឲ្យចង់បានឥតបីស្រាកវិស៏យដូចគេប្រាថ្នា
ផ្លែឈើឬនេសាទជនប្រាថ្នាត្រីដែរ។ជនដែលរងគ្រោះសៅហ្មងអន្តរាយដោយសារតែទ្រព្យរបស់ខ្លួនយ៉ាង
នេះមានការប្រៀបធៀបទៅនឹងស្លឹកឈើដែលដែលវិនាសរុះរោយដោយសារផ្លៃច្រើនឬក៏ដូចជាទឹកដែល
ល្អក់ដោយសារតែមានត្រីច្រើននោះឋង។
សំគាល់(សំរាប់ជាសេចក្កីបញ្ចប់)
ដោយហេតុដែលទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិជាចំណីនៃពួកពាលហើយដែលងាចបង្កើត«ការល្អក់»គឺសេចក្កីសៅហ្មង
ឬវិនាសអន្តរាយដល់ម្ចាស់ទ្រព្យបាននោះត្រូវប្រុងស្មារតីជាដរាក្នុងការរក្សាទ្រព្យរបស់ខ្លួន។ភាសិតនេះ
មិនមែនធ្វើឲ្យយើងគេទាំងឡាយខូចទឹកចិត្តមិនចង់មានមិនចង់បាននោះទេ។សេចក្កីបរឹងប្រែងក្នុងការ
រកទ្រព្យត្រូវតែព្យាយាមធ្វើជាដរាបព្រោះទ្រព្យធនបង្កើតសេចក្កីថ្លៃថ្នូរណាស់តែកាលបើមានទ្រព្យនេះ
ហើយត្រូវប្រុងប្រយត្ន័ដើរឧបាយយ៉ាងណាកុំឲ្យ«ចាញ់ឬល្អក់»ទៅបានដោយសារតែទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិនេះឋង៕
៣ «សប្បុរសពេកចាញ់ធន នាទុរជនចាញ់ឥន្រ្តីយ»
វដ្តទុក្ខ គឺទុក្ខទោសទាំងឡាយដែលវិលវល់ចុះឡើងប៉ះពាល់រាល់រូបឥតស្រាកស្រាន្ត។
ដូចច្នេះបណ្តាលអ្នកប្រាជ្ញគ្រប់សាសន៏បានចងក្រងជាបញ្ហា ជាភាសិត ជាបទចរិយា សាស្រ្តផ្សេងៗ ដើម្បីជាឧសថរំលត់ទោសនឹងជាយានដឹកនាំគាំពារបុផុជ្ជនក្នុងលោកឲ្យ
ចាកជៀសផុតពីអន្លង់ទុក្ខ នឹងឧបសក្គគ្រប់ជំពូកដែលកើតឡើងឥតទៀងទាត់។ ដូចយ៉ាង
ក្នុងច្បាប់ពាក្យចាស់លោកទូន្មានថា=
«អូសទូកកុំឲ្យលំអាន ចាប់ត្រីបានកុំឲ្យល្អក់ទឹក»
អត្ថានុរូប នឹងអត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
«អូសទូកកុំឲ្យលំអាន» «អូសទូក
នេះគឺទាញទូកពីទីគោកទៅដាក់ទឹក
«កុំឲ្យលំអាន»
គឺកុំឲ្យមានស្នាមនៅលើដីឬមានស្នាមនៅ
បាតទូកធ្លុធ្លាយព្រោះជាការនាំឲ្យសឹក
ដាច់បាតទូកឬអន្តរាធ្លុះធ្លាយទូកក៏មាន។
អ្នកប្រាជ្ញចង់ទូន្មានថា=កាលបើអូសទូក
គឺប្រកបការអ្វីមួយយ៉ាងពិបាកដោយមានឧបសក្គ
ជាច្រើននៅរាំងរានេះត្រូវប្រយត្ន័
«អូសទូកកុំឲ្យលំអាន»
គឺធ្វើការនោះទៅកុំឲ្យមានស្នាមពោល
គឺកុំឲ្យមានសៅហ្មងមានរឿងរ៉ាវអ្វីផ្សេងៗដែលអាច
ឲ្យទុក្ខទោសដល់ខ្លួននៅវេលា
ប្រតិបត្តិការនោះ។
«ចាប់ត្រីបានកុំឲ្យល្អក់ទឹក»
គឺធ្វើម្តេចឲ្យបានត្រីហើយទឹកនៅថ្លាដូចដើម
អ្នកប្រាជ្ញចង់ទូន្មានថាបើយើងប្រាថ្នានឹង«ចាប់ត្រី»គេនឹងធ្វើអ្វីឲ្យបានលាភមានផលដល់យើងនោះ
បើបានលាភត្រូវប្រយត្ន័កុំឲ្យមាន«ល្អក់ទឹក»គឺកុំឲ្យមានការសៅហ្មងដិតដល់ខ្លួនកុំឲ្យមានទុក្ខទោស
ដល់ខ្លួនក្នុងគ្រាក្រោយឡើយ។
ឧទាហរណ៏=
ការដែលឃោសនាខាងបោះឆ្នោតរើសតំណាងរាស្រ្តជាការមួយធ្វើដោយពិបាកព្រោះមានឧបសក្គ
ជាច្រើនមករាំរា។នោះក្នុងការដែលយើងថាពិបាកនេះបេក្ខជនដែលនិយាយឃោសនាឲ្យរាស្រ្តបោះ
ឆ្នោតជ្រើសខ្លួនជាតំណាងត្រូវខំឆ្លងឲ្យផុតពីការលំបាកដោយឥតមានសេចក្កីសៅហ្មងដិតដល់ខ្លួន
គឺប្រយត្ន័ខំទាញខ្លួនឲ្យចាកផុតនូវគំររឧបសក្គផ្សេងៗ។ដោយគ្នារឿងរ៉ាវអ្វីនឹងឲ្យទុក្ខទោសដល់ខ្លួន
ក្នុងវេលាប្រតិបត្តិការនោះ។
បេក្ខជនដែលដែលខំធ្វើឃោសនាយ៉ាងនេះគឺដើម្បីនឹងឲ្យបានសំរេចបំណងមួយឲ្យបានជាប់ឈ្មោះ
ជាតំណាងរាស្រ្តប៉ុន្តែបេក្ខជននេះមិនត្រូវភ្លេចថា«បើចាប់ត្រីបានកុំឲ្យល្អក់ទឹក»គឺបើនឹងជាប់ឈ្មោះ
ជាតំណាងរាស្រ្តគឺជាប់ដោយត្រឹមត្រូវដោយប្រព្រឹត្តិល្អស្អាតកុំឲ្យមានរឿងរ៉ាងផ្សេងៗដែលត្រឡប់
ជានាំខ្លួន«ឲ្យល្អក់»គឺឲ្យទទួលកុំហុសអ្វីមួយមកវិញបាន។
ម៉្យាងទៀតឋអ្នកជំនួញនូវអ្នករាជការគ្រប់ជាន់ថ្នាក់ក៏ត្រូវខំបំពេញកិច្ចការរបស់ខ្លួនរឿងៗខ្លួន
ដោយជៀសវាងកុំឲ្យមានការសៅហ្មងដឹតដល់ខ្លួនបាន។ដែលនឹងបានផលទៀតក៏កុំឲ្យល្អក់
គឺបានដោយសុខមិននាំឲ្យរំខានចិត្ត។
សេចក្កីបញ្ចប់=កិច្ចការសព្វសារពើដែលយើងបំរុងនឹងធ្វើឬដែលបានចាប់ធ្វើទៅហើយក៏ដោយ
តោងខំអូសខំទាញខំប្រយុទ្ធឲ្យដល់ត្រើយដោយប្រុងប្រយត្ន័ជាដរាបកុំឲ្យការនោះហុចទុក្ខ
ទោសមកដល់ខ្លួនវិញ៕
២"ឈើផ្លែច្រើនចាញ់ ស្លឹកត្រីច្រើនទឹកល្អក់ពុំជា"
សេចក្កីផ្តើម
ភាសិតទាំងឡាយដែលនឹងចងក្រងឡើងបានទុកជាកេរ៌្តតំណតកប្បកល្ប
ក៏មកពីអ្នកប្រាជ្ញរកឃើញសេចក្កីពិតដោយលោកស្គាល់ការសាកពិសោធន៏
យ៉ាងល្អិតល្អន់ក្នុងរបៀបរស់នៅនៃសង្គមដោយមានការសង្គេតមើលលក្ខណះ
នៃវត្ថុក្នុងធម្មជាតិហើយយកទៅប្រៀបធៀបនឹងលក្ខណះ«ករិយានៃមនុស្ស
ក្នុងលោកដូចយ៉ាងក្នុងច្បាប់កេរ៏្តកាលលោកចែងមកថា«
«ឈើច្រើនចាញ់ស្លឹក ត្រីច្រើនទឹកល្អក់ពុំជា»
អត្ថានុរូបរបស់ភាសិត វគ្គទី១«ឈើផ្លែច្រើនចាញ់ស្លឹក»
ឈើណាដែលមាន«ផ្លែច្រើន»នោះស្លឹកវាតែងវិនាស។
ពីព្រោះអ្វី?គឺកាលណាគេឃើញឈើនេះមានផ្លែច្រើនហើយគេនាំគ្នាចង់បាន
ផ្លែនោះដោយគ្រវែងនឹងដំថ្មឬដំបងថ្ពក់មួលយកទាំងស្លឹកឬអង្រួនមែកឬកាប់
យកទាំងមែកដើម្បីនឹងប្រឡោះយកផ្លែឲ្យបានស្រួលជាហេតុបណ្តាលឲ្យស្លឹក
ឈើដែលជាទីជំរកនៃផ្លែនេះរុះរោយវិនាសព្រោះតែផ្លែច្រើន។
ត្រីច្រើនទឹកល្អក់ពុំជា
ទឹកនោះនឹងល្អក់ខ្វល់ ពីព្រោះអ្វី?គឺកាលបើគេឃើញមានត្រីច្រើនហើយគេ
ក៏ចង់បានត្រីនោះដោយនាំគ្នាទៅចាប់
ទៅដួសទៅបង់ទៅត្រង់ដាក់ទ្រូដាក់លប
ជញ្ជត់ឬវាយទឹកដេញត្រីបញ្ជូលស៊ងជាហេតុ
បណ្តាលឲ្យទឹកនេះដែលជាជំ
រកនៃត្រីទៅចាល្អក់ខ្វល់អស់ព្រោះតែត្រីច្រើន។
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
បញ្ហាទាំងពីវគ្គនេះបានសេចក្កីថា=ជនដែលមានទ្រព្យធនច្រើនតែងជួបប្រទះនឹងការអន្តរាយច្រើនប្រការ
ព្រោះទ្រព្យធននេះតែងទាញទឹកចិត្តជនពាលឬចោរកំណាចឲ្យចង់បានឥតបីស្រាកវិស៏យដូចគេប្រាថ្នា
ផ្លែឈើឬនេសាទជនប្រាថ្នាត្រីដែរ។ជនដែលរងគ្រោះសៅហ្មងអន្តរាយដោយសារតែទ្រព្យរបស់ខ្លួនយ៉ាង
នេះមានការប្រៀបធៀបទៅនឹងស្លឹកឈើដែលដែលវិនាសរុះរោយដោយសារផ្លៃច្រើនឬក៏ដូចជាទឹកដែល
ល្អក់ដោយសារតែមានត្រីច្រើននោះឋង។
សំគាល់(សំរាប់ជាសេចក្កីបញ្ចប់)
ដោយហេតុដែលទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិជាចំណីនៃពួកពាលហើយដែលងាចបង្កើត«ការល្អក់»គឺសេចក្កីសៅហ្មង
ឬវិនាសអន្តរាយដល់ម្ចាស់ទ្រព្យបាននោះត្រូវប្រុងស្មារតីជាដរាក្នុងការរក្សាទ្រព្យរបស់ខ្លួន។ភាសិតនេះ
មិនមែនធ្វើឲ្យយើងគេទាំងឡាយខូចទឹកចិត្តមិនចង់មានមិនចង់បាននោះទេ។សេចក្កីបរឹងប្រែងក្នុងការ
រកទ្រព្យត្រូវតែព្យាយាមធ្វើជាដរាបព្រោះទ្រព្យធនបង្កើតសេចក្កីថ្លៃថ្នូរណាស់តែកាលបើមានទ្រព្យនេះ
ហើយត្រូវប្រុងប្រយត្ន័ដើរឧបាយយ៉ាងណាកុំឲ្យ«ចាញ់ឬល្អក់»ទៅបានដោយសារតែទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិនេះឋង៕
៣ «សប្បុរសពេកចាញ់ធន នាទុរជនចាញ់ឥន្រ្តីយ»
បុរាណាចារ្យដែលមានបញ្ញាដ៏មុតថ្លា បានពិនិត្យគិតពិចារណាយល់ថា ក្នុងលោកសន្និវាសនេះ
មនុស្សយើងតែងជួបប្រទះពើបពះនូវអំពើអកុសល ទើបក្នុងច្បាប់កេរ្ត៏កាលលោកចែងថា=
«សប្បុរសពេកចាញ់ធននាទុរជនចាញ់ឥន្រ្តីយ»
ដើម្បីជាប្រស្នាដាស់សតិបញ្ញាមហាជនឲ្យជៀសវាងឲ្យផុតនូវកងទុក្ខទាំងឡាយ
វគ្គទី១
សប្បុរសពេកចាញ់ធន
ជនសប្បុរស គឺមនុស្សណាដែលមានចិត្តល្អមេត្តាករុណាដល់អ្នកដ៏ទៃ
ដោយចំណាយកំឡាំងកាយចិត្តនូវទ្រព្យធនដើម្បីជួយស្រោចស្រង់ដោះ
ទុក្ខគេឲ្យចាកផុតពីសេចក្តីក្រីក្រលំបាក៕
សប្បុរសធម៌ជាធម៌ដ៏ប្រសើរដែលលោកតែងទូន្មានប្រជានិករទាំងឡាយ
ឲ្យទទួលយកទុកក្នុងខ្លួនជានិច្ចតែប្រយ័ត្នកុំ«សប្បុរសពេក»គឺកុំប្រព្រឹត្តអំពើ
ល្អនេះហួសប្រមាណកុំធ្វើល្អឥតពិចារណា។ការធ្វើទានដល់អ្នកក្រីក្រការចំណាយ
ទ្រព្យដើម្បីជួយទ្រទ្រង់ជនណាឲ្យរឹងជំហរក្នុងការអ្វីមួយត្រូវធ្វើឲ្យមានព្រំដែន
កុំធ្វើឲ្យជ្រុលពេកកុំធ្វើឲ្យហួសកម្លាំងទ្រព្យរបស់ខ្លួនព្រោះការសប្បុរសហួសប្រមាណ
នេះរមែងតែងធ្វើឲ្យ«ចាញ់ធន»គឺឲ្យវិនាសលោះទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិមិនខានដោយការចំណាយ
ក្នុងផ្លូវសប្បុរសវាច្រើនជាងចំណូលធម្មតា។
សេដ្ឋីដែលមានទ្រព្យរាប់រយលានប្រាក់ក៏គង់នឹងរលាយឃ្លាំងទ្រព្យទៅបានកាលបើចេះតែ
សប្បុរសហួសកំរិតឥតមានពិចារណា៕
មនុស្សយើងតែងជួបប្រទះពើបពះនូវអំពើអកុសល ទើបក្នុងច្បាប់កេរ្ត៏កាលលោកចែងថា=
«សប្បុរសពេកចាញ់ធននាទុរជនចាញ់ឥន្រ្តីយ»
ដើម្បីជាប្រស្នាដាស់សតិបញ្ញាមហាជនឲ្យជៀសវាងឲ្យផុតនូវកងទុក្ខទាំងឡាយ
វគ្គទី១
សប្បុរសពេកចាញ់ធន
ជនសប្បុរស គឺមនុស្សណាដែលមានចិត្តល្អមេត្តាករុណាដល់អ្នកដ៏ទៃ
ដោយចំណាយកំឡាំងកាយចិត្តនូវទ្រព្យធនដើម្បីជួយស្រោចស្រង់ដោះ
ទុក្ខគេឲ្យចាកផុតពីសេចក្តីក្រីក្រលំបាក៕
សប្បុរសធម៌ជាធម៌ដ៏ប្រសើរដែលលោកតែងទូន្មានប្រជានិករទាំងឡាយ
ឲ្យទទួលយកទុកក្នុងខ្លួនជានិច្ចតែប្រយ័ត្នកុំ«សប្បុរសពេក»គឺកុំប្រព្រឹត្តអំពើ
ល្អនេះហួសប្រមាណកុំធ្វើល្អឥតពិចារណា។ការធ្វើទានដល់អ្នកក្រីក្រការចំណាយ
ទ្រព្យដើម្បីជួយទ្រទ្រង់ជនណាឲ្យរឹងជំហរក្នុងការអ្វីមួយត្រូវធ្វើឲ្យមានព្រំដែន
កុំធ្វើឲ្យជ្រុលពេកកុំធ្វើឲ្យហួសកម្លាំងទ្រព្យរបស់ខ្លួនព្រោះការសប្បុរសហួសប្រមាណ
នេះរមែងតែងធ្វើឲ្យ«ចាញ់ធន»គឺឲ្យវិនាសលោះទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិមិនខានដោយការចំណាយ
ក្នុងផ្លូវសប្បុរសវាច្រើនជាងចំណូលធម្មតា។
សេដ្ឋីដែលមានទ្រព្យរាប់រយលានប្រាក់ក៏គង់នឹងរលាយឃ្លាំងទ្រព្យទៅបានកាលបើចេះតែ
សប្បុរសហួសកំរិតឥតមានពិចារណា៕
វគ្គទី២
នាទុរជនចាញ់ឥន្ត្រី
«ទុរជន»គឺជនដែលមានចិត្តអាក្រក់។ជនទុច្ចរិតគ្រប់ថានះ«ចោរខ្មាំងទាំងឡាយ
ជនដែលមានចិត្តសាហាវក្នុងការលបលួចធ្វើឃាតកម្មឬវិនាសកម្មផ្សេងៗ
លោកចាត់ថាជាពួកទុរជនទាំងអស់។
តាមសេចក្កីក្នុងភាសិតនេះគេរាប់ជាពួកទុរជនដែរជនណាដែលកំណាញ់កាញ
សម្បត្តិទុកមានចិត្តអាក្រក់ឥតមេត្តាករុណាដល់អ្នកកំសត់ទុគ៌តផ្ទុយគ្នាពី
ពួកសប្បុរសជន។
«ចាញ់ឥន្ត្រីយ»
គឺអាប់ឧនវិនាសអន្តរាដល់រូបរាងកាយរបស់ឋង។ជនចិត្តអាក្រក់ជាទីគំនុំ
ជាទីសំអប់នៃអ្នកដ៏ទៃវាតែងរមែងសៅហ្មងឬវិនាសដល់ខ្លួនវា។គេតែង
លបលួចកាប់សម្លាប់ជនទាំងនេះឥតប្រណី។
ជនដែលល្បីថាចេះធ្មប់អាបពួកចោរព្រៃទាំងឡាយនោះនឹងត្រូវគេចាប់ធ្វើ
បាបវាយដំច្រំធាក់ឬប្រហារជីវិតចោលក៏មាន។ពួកជនទុច្ចរិតនឹងត្រូវរាជការ
ដាក់ទោសផ្តន្ទាវាឲ្យរាងចាល។ជនកំណាញ់ពិតមែនតែមិនធ្វើទុក្ខទោសដល់គេ
តែដោយហេតុចិត្តខ្មៅក្រៅតម្រានោះគេតែងតែស្អប់ប្រមាថមើលងាយដោយ
អាការផ្សេងៗសេចក្តីអាប់ឧនដល់ខ្លួនក៏កើតមានឡើងដែរ។ផលអាក្រក់គ្រប់បែប
ដែលធ្លាក់ដល់ទៅលើពួកទុរជននេះហើយហៅថា«ចាញ់ឥន្ត្រីយ»
ឋពួកទរជនមានឧបមេយ្យដូចសត្វសង្កើចឬសត្វមូសដែលខាំចុចគេឲ្យគេឈឺចាប់
តែមិនរួចពីគេទះសម្លាប់ឡើយ។ពួកមនុស្សទោសក្នុងពន្ធនាគារដែលនឿយកាយ
បាយមិនឆ្អាញ់គ្រប់ពេលវេលានេះជាពួកទុរជនដែលកំពុងទទួលកម្មអាក្រក់លើ
អាត្មាវិញពោលគឺ«ឥន្ត្រីយ»របស់គេកំពុង«ចាញ់»។
សេចក្កីបញ្ចប់=ការធ្វើទានត្រូវលៃឲ្យសមរម្យនឹងធនធានកុំភ្លេចឲ្យសោះ
ពាក្យចាស់លោកថា»
ចិត្តល្អក្រខ្លួន«ចិត្តល្អឥតបើគិតកុំមានចិត្តអាក្រក់»នេះហើយដែលអ្នកប្រាជ្ញចងទូន្មាន៕
៤ ធម្មតាអ្នកជាជាតិ ការកេរ្ត៏អាទិឲ្យគិតគូរ"
នាទុរជនចាញ់ឥន្ត្រី
«ទុរជន»គឺជនដែលមានចិត្តអាក្រក់។ជនទុច្ចរិតគ្រប់ថានះ«ចោរខ្មាំងទាំងឡាយ
ជនដែលមានចិត្តសាហាវក្នុងការលបលួចធ្វើឃាតកម្មឬវិនាសកម្មផ្សេងៗ
លោកចាត់ថាជាពួកទុរជនទាំងអស់។
តាមសេចក្កីក្នុងភាសិតនេះគេរាប់ជាពួកទុរជនដែរជនណាដែលកំណាញ់កាញ
សម្បត្តិទុកមានចិត្តអាក្រក់ឥតមេត្តាករុណាដល់អ្នកកំសត់ទុគ៌តផ្ទុយគ្នាពី
ពួកសប្បុរសជន។
«ចាញ់ឥន្ត្រីយ»
គឺអាប់ឧនវិនាសអន្តរាដល់រូបរាងកាយរបស់ឋង។ជនចិត្តអាក្រក់ជាទីគំនុំ
ជាទីសំអប់នៃអ្នកដ៏ទៃវាតែងរមែងសៅហ្មងឬវិនាសដល់ខ្លួនវា។គេតែង
លបលួចកាប់សម្លាប់ជនទាំងនេះឥតប្រណី។
ជនដែលល្បីថាចេះធ្មប់អាបពួកចោរព្រៃទាំងឡាយនោះនឹងត្រូវគេចាប់ធ្វើ
បាបវាយដំច្រំធាក់ឬប្រហារជីវិតចោលក៏មាន។ពួកជនទុច្ចរិតនឹងត្រូវរាជការ
ដាក់ទោសផ្តន្ទាវាឲ្យរាងចាល។ជនកំណាញ់ពិតមែនតែមិនធ្វើទុក្ខទោសដល់គេ
តែដោយហេតុចិត្តខ្មៅក្រៅតម្រានោះគេតែងតែស្អប់ប្រមាថមើលងាយដោយ
អាការផ្សេងៗសេចក្តីអាប់ឧនដល់ខ្លួនក៏កើតមានឡើងដែរ។ផលអាក្រក់គ្រប់បែប
ដែលធ្លាក់ដល់ទៅលើពួកទុរជននេះហើយហៅថា«ចាញ់ឥន្ត្រីយ»
ឋពួកទរជនមានឧបមេយ្យដូចសត្វសង្កើចឬសត្វមូសដែលខាំចុចគេឲ្យគេឈឺចាប់
តែមិនរួចពីគេទះសម្លាប់ឡើយ។ពួកមនុស្សទោសក្នុងពន្ធនាគារដែលនឿយកាយ
បាយមិនឆ្អាញ់គ្រប់ពេលវេលានេះជាពួកទុរជនដែលកំពុងទទួលកម្មអាក្រក់លើ
អាត្មាវិញពោលគឺ«ឥន្ត្រីយ»របស់គេកំពុង«ចាញ់»។
សេចក្កីបញ្ចប់=ការធ្វើទានត្រូវលៃឲ្យសមរម្យនឹងធនធានកុំភ្លេចឲ្យសោះ
ពាក្យចាស់លោកថា»
ចិត្តល្អក្រខ្លួន«ចិត្តល្អឥតបើគិតកុំមានចិត្តអាក្រក់»នេះហើយដែលអ្នកប្រាជ្ញចងទូន្មាន៕
៤ ធម្មតាអ្នកជាជាតិ ការកេរ្ត៏អាទិឲ្យគិតគូរ"
ធម្មតាកើតមកជា«អ្នកជា»
គឺជាអ្នកល្អត្រឹមត្រូវមានពាហនះអ្នកដែលមិននៅខ្ញុំកញ្ជះគឹត្រូវឲ្យចេះ«គិតគូរការកេរ្ត៏អាទិ»
គឺការពារពីដើមឲ្យបានល្អគង់វង់តរៀងទៅ។
ឋកេរ្ត៏នេះរស់ដោយយក=
១»កេរ្ត៏មត៌ក=ពោលគឺទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិដែលទទួលពីម៉ែឪដូនតាមក
២»កត្តិនាម=ល្អដែលធ្លាប់មានពីបុព្វបុរសរបស់យើងមកហើយពោលគឺ
«កេរ្ត៏ឈ្មោះជាអ្នកជានោះឋង៕
៥ "ផ្លូវវៀចកុំបោះបង់ ផ្លូវណាត្រង់កុំដើរហោង"
សេចក្កីនេះសំរាប់រំឮកដល់អ្នកជំនួញជួញព្រៃគ្រប់ឋានះនឹងអ្នកធ្វើនយោបាយផ្សេងៗ។
១»ក្នុងការធ្វើជំនួញ កាលបើកាន់សច្ចះពេកក៏គ្មានចំណេញដែរត្រូវឲ្យវៀចខ្លះ ឋវៀចនេះ
មិនមេនបំបាត់ប្រវញ្ជ័ថ្លឹងខ្វះភ្នែកជញ្ជីង ឬជៀសវាងបំបាត់ពន្ធគយឲ្យតែខាងចំណេញស្មើរដើម
ក៏មិនត្រូវប្រាប់គេត្រង់បើទុកជាចំណេញក្នុងមួយឆ្នាំរាប់ហ្មឺនប្រាក់ ក៏កុំនិយាយប្រាប់ពាណិជឋទៀត
ឲ្យត្រង់អស់ពីពោះ ព្រោះកាលបើគេឃើញចំណេញ ច្រើនក្នុងមុខជំនួញណាមួយគេប្រាថ្នារកជំនួញ
នោះដែរនាំឲ្យលាភរបស់យើងថយទៅវិញឬជំពប់អស់រលីងទៅវិញក៏មាន។
២» ក្នុងការធ្វើនយោបាយ តែដើរតាមផ្លូវត្រង់ គេនឹងស្គាល់« ពោះវៀន»យើងគឺស្កាល់ចិត្តគំនិតយើងទាំងអស់។
កុំភ្លេចឡើយពាក្យចាស់លោកថា» ស្លូតស្លាប់វៀចវេរ មានភ័ព្វអាយុយឺនយូរ »
៦"លោកថាល្វាផង សម្បកក្រៅហោង ភ្លឺផ្លេកយល់យង់ រីឋក្នុងផ្លែ សឹងតែមមង់ ក្រាស់ក្រៃនៅក្នុង នោះហោងលោកថា»
សេចក្តីអធិប្បាយជាគំរូ
ដោយសង្កេតឃើញថា នៅនាលោកនេះមានមនុស្សមានច្រើនសណ្ឋាន «ខ្លះវៀចខ្លះត្រង់ ខ្លះខ្លៅសាមាន្យ« ទើបបុរាណបណ្ឌិតព្រឹទ្ធាចារ្យចងជាបញ្ហាទុកក្នុងច្បាប់កូនចៅថា=
«លោកថាល្វាហោង សម្បកក្រៅហោង ភ្លឺផ្លេកយល់យង់ រីឋក្នុងផ្លែសឹកតែមមង់ ក្រាស់ក្រៃ
នៅក្នុង នោះហោងលោកថា»។
ឋផ្លែល្វាកាលណាដែលទុំឡើងមានពណ៌ក្រហមរលោងមានសម្បករលីងស្រស់រលើប
គួរឲ្យស្រើបស្រាលត្រេកត្រអាលចង់បេះប្រឡះយកមកកាន់យកមកភ្លក់អាស្រ័យណាស់
ប៉ុន្តែក្នុងផ្លែមានសុទ្ធតែសត្វមមង់វារុករវើកពាសពេញតាមចន្លោះសាច់ល្វានោះគួរឲ្យខ្ពើម
រអើមជៀសវាងរាងចាលលែងហ៊ានហែកកាន់មើលទៀត។
ឋផ្លែល្វាដែលល្អល្អះតែក្រៅនេះលោកប្រៀបធៀបទៅមនុស្សណាដែលមានរូបឆោមលោម
ពណ៌សាច់សល្អសមស្អាតស្អំស្រស់បំប្រិមពុំទាស់ភ្នែកអ្នកដ៏ទៃក៏ប៉ុន្តែមនុស្សនោះឋងមានចិត្ត
ល្អក់អាក្រក់ពេកឬក៏មានឬកពាឥរិយាមិនសមរម្យជាហេតុធ្វើឲ្យអា្នកផងទាំងពួងស្អប់ខ្ពើមទៅវិញ។
ប៉ុន្តែពាក្យអ្នកប្រាជ្ញនេះមិនមែនសំដៅទៅលើតែមនុស្សណាដែលមានរូបឆោមរាងរាងកាយឆើត
ឆាយដូចបានអធិប្បាយមកហើយនោះទេលោកប្រៀបប្រដូចផ្លែល្វាទៅនឹងជនណាដែលមានសំដី
វាចាផ្អែមពិរោះគួរឲ្យអ្នកផងទាំងពួងទុកចិត្តចូលជិតរើសយកជាមិត្រស្និទ្ធស្នាលរាប់អានជាស្ពាន
មេត្រីដោយស្តាប់ពាក្យសំដីថាប្រហែលជាមនុស្សនោះល្អបរិសុទ្ធត្រឹមត្រូវកាន់ផ្លូវត្រង់មែនប៉ុន្តែ
មនុស្សសំដីល្អនេះច្រើនមានចិត្តល្អក់អាក្រក់ជាប់ហេតុនេះបានចាអ្នកប្រាជ្ញបន្ថែមសេចក្តីថា=
«អ្នកមួយចែចូវរអែរអូវវៀចវេរឬស្យាបញ្ចើចបញ្ជើពាក្យពើមាយាដូចកលផ្លែល្វាល្អល្អះតែក្រៅ»
សេចក្តីដែលមានសាធកះមកហើយនេះឃើញថាត្រូវមែនហើយប៉ុន្តែយើងនឹគថាមនុស្សណា
ដែលល្អតែមាត់ក្រៅហើយចិត្តសុទ្ធតែខ្លៅអាក្រក់់វៀចវេរឬស្យាទាំងអស់នោះក៏មិនមែនដែរ
ដ្បិតមានខ្លះសំដីល្អចិត្តក៏ល្អដូចផ្លែឈើខ្លះល្អឃាងក្រៅហើយមានទាំងឧជារសផ្អែមឆ្អាញ់ពីសាផង
ប៉ុន្តែយើងប្រទះឃើញថាក្នុងលោកនេះម្រមានមនុស្សដែលមានសំដីល្អហើយមានចិត្តល្អផងនោះ
ណាស់ច្រើនតែមនុស្សសំដីផ្អែមចេះបញ្ចើចចបញ្ចើហើមានចិត្តអាក្រក់។
ធម្មតាមនុស្សអាក្រក់ច្រើនវាចាវោហាផ្អែមពីរោះមករកយើងដើម្បីឲ្យយើងទុកចិត្តអស់ពីពោះថាវាល្អ
មនុស្សជំពូកនេះកុំសូវទុកចិត្តវាកុំយកធ្វើចាគ្នាថ្ងៃក្រោយមិនយូរមិនឆប់វានឹង«ត្បកក្បាល»
យើងវិញមិនខាន។
«ក្អែកនឹងកញ្ច្រោង»ឬមាន់នឹងកញ្ច្រោង»របស់កវីបណ្ឌិតឡាយហ្វុងដែលបានលើកទុកជិត២០
សតវត្ស៏មកហើយ
ចុះកញ្ច្រោងវាធ្វើយ៉ាងដូចម្តេចនឹងបាននំពីក្អែកឬមាន់ជាអាហារវា?
ចូរយើងកុំឆ្អល់ឲ្យសោះពាក្យបញ្ចើចបញ្ចើដោយប្រើសំដីផ្អែមល្ហែមត្រជាក់នេះហើយជានុយ
បបោសអង្អែលចិត្តឲ្យក្អែកគិតថាពិតជាពាក្យត្រង់ក៏ហាមាត់និយាយឡើងធ្លាក់ឋនំទៅដីបានចំ
ណីនៃកញ្ច្រោងទៅវិញ។ឋមាន់វិញក៏ស្លាប់ខ្លួនពីព្រោះតែឮកញ្ច្រោងនិយាយបញ្ជោរដោយពាក្យ
ផ្អែមពីរោះគួរទុកចិត្តពន់ពេកណាស់។
ក្នុងរឿងមួយទៀតរបស់«ម៉ូលីយារ៏»មាននិទានថា=នាម៊ីនម្នាក់ឈ្មោះលោក«ដូរង់ចង់ទៅបោកប្រាស់អ្នកមានទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិម្នាក់ឈ្មោះ«ហ្សូរដាំង»
លោកដូរង់ស្អប់ហ្សូរដាំងពេកប៉ុន្តែដោយលោកខ្វះប្រាក់ចាយលោកក៏ធ្វើជារាប់អានហ្សូរដាំងទៅ
លោកនិយាយប្រាប់ហ្សូរដាំងថា=គ្មានស្រឡាញ់នរណាជាងហ្សូរដាំងទេលោកកុហកថាលោកបាន
ទៅនិយាយនៅក្នុងចំណោមសរសើរពីហ្សូរដាំងជាច្រើនដងលោកថានឹងរកមនុស្សណាឲ្យវិនាស
ជាងហ្សូរដាំងក៏គ្មានឋពាក្យលោកទាំងប៉ុន្មានសុទ្ធតែបញ្ជោរបោកប្រាស់ទេប៉ន្តែពីរោះផ្អែមហាក់
បីដូចជារឿងនោះពិតមែនគូរឲ្តហ្សូរដាំង«ត្រចៀកស្រាល»ទុកចិត្តពេក។
ចូលយើងពិចារណាមើលចុះក្នុងរឿងទាំងពីរនេះសត្វកញ្ជ្រោងនឹងលោកដូរង់មានសំដីផ្អែមពី
រោះតែមាត់ក្រៅឋចិត្តសឹងតែអាក្រក់វៀចវេរចង់បំផ្លាញគេឲ្យវិនាសោះវិស័យដូចផ្លែល្វាដែលល្អ
«ភ្លឺផ្លេក»តែសម្បកហើខាងក្នុងសុទ្ធតែមមង់ដែរ។
យើងមិនត្រូវទកចិត្តមនុស្សណាដែលយើងមិនស្គាល់ឲ្យច្បាស់លាស់ឡើយដ្បិតមនុស្សមានច្រើន
សណ្ឋានណាស់ខ្លះ«ចិត្តចាទេវទត្តមាត់ដូចទេវតា»ខ្លះទៀត«អាក្រក់តែមាត់ចិត្តដូចទេវតា»
ហេតុនេះហើយបានជាក្នុងច្បាប់កូនចៅដដែលនេះលោកបានបន្ថែមថា=
រីសោតខ្នុរណាំង សម្បកស្តោកស្គាំង បន្លាច្រូងនៅ ឋក្នុងសឹងក្លែប ក្រអែបផ្អែមទៅ
ទាល់ក្នុងឥតសៅ រសសឹងពីសា»
៧"លោកថាឲ្យត្រាប់ នូវសត្វកុកសាប់ អំពើប្រពៃ កុំត្រាប់កុសល ភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃ ហើរទំអាស្រួ័យ ពុំប្លែកប្លែងប្រាណ»
សេចក្តីផ្តើម
ដើម្បីរស់នៅក្នុងសង្គមជនឲ្យបានសុខសាន្តរៀងរាបទៅត្រូវខំធ្វើខ្លួនឲ្យប្រាសចាកពា្យនិន្ទា
ទាំងឡាយនឹងភយន្តរាយគ្រប់ប្រការដោយព្យាយាមត្រិះរិះពិចារណាឲ្យយល់អស់អាថនួវ
ពាក្យឪវាទនឹងក្បួនតម្រាសុភាសិតដែលបណ្ឌិតចារបែងសេចក្តីដើម្បីជាគតិលោកទៅកាន់
ស្ថានសុខដូចយ៉ាងក្នុងច្បាប់កូនចៅលោកប្រដៅថា=ឲ្យត្រាប់នូវសត្វកុកសាប់អំពើប្រពៃ
កុំត្រាប់កុំសលភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃហើរទំអាស្រ័យពុំប្លែកប្លែងប្រាណ»
អត្ថានុរូបរបស់ភាសិត
វគ្គទី១
លោកថាឲ្យត្រាប់នូវសត្វនូវសត្វកុកសាប់អំពើប្រពៃ»
កាលបើកុកសាប់ចុះទៅរកទំឬរកស៊ីនៅទីណាដូចជាទំនៅលើមេឃឈើឬចុះស៊ីនៅវាលស្រែ
ឬក្នុងថ្លុកដ៏មានភក់ក្រខ្វក់ជាដើមនោះគេឃើញស្លាបដែលស្រោបកាយរបស់វាមានព៌ណប្រផេះ
ឬសម្បុរត្រសក់ស្រដៀងគ្នានឹងព៌ណភក់ឬព៌ណស្លឹកឈើដែរ។ផ្ទុយពីនេះវិញូកាលបើកុកសាប់
ហិចហើរធើដំណើរក្នងវេហាស៏ដែជាទីស្ងាតស្រឡះល្អនោះគេឃើញស្លាបដែលលាតត្រដាង
ឡើងមានព៌ណសស្កុសដូចសំឡី។
វគ្គទី២»
មិនថានៅទីណាពលណាទាំងថ្ងៃទាំងយប់គ្រប់ដំបន់កុសលឥតប្រែប្រួលផ្លាស់ប្តូរព៌ណ
ស្លាបដូចកុកសាប់ឡើយ។ព៌ណសដរាបនេះអាចទាញភ្នែកអ្នកទាំងពួងមានព្រានបរបាញ់ជាដើម
ឲ្យត្រឡេកមើលស្គាល់ថាជាកុកភ្លាម។មិនចាំបាច់ពិមិត្យយូរផង។កាលដែលហើរដែលទំអាស្រ័យ
មិន«ប្លែកប្លែងប្រាណ»គឺមិនមានប្លែកគ្រឿងសំកាល់ក្រៅបានតែទទួលនូវផលអាក្រក់ផ្សេងៗ
មិនខានជូនកាលវិនាសអន្តរាយដល់ខ្លួនក៏បាន។
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
អ្នកប្រាជ្ញទូន្មានថាឲ្យធ្វើតាមសត្វកុកសាប់វិញ«អំពើដ៏ប្រពៃ។
យើងឃើញថាកុកសាប់ចេះផ្លាស់ព៌ណសម្បុរតាមទីកន្លែងតាមពេលវេលា(ព្រោះពេលយប់កុក
សាប់ក៏ត្រូវគ្របដណ្តប់កាយដោយស្លាបប្រផេះដែរ)ដើម្បីកុំឲ្យគេឆាប់ចាប់ភ្នែកទៅរកវាដើម្បី
រក្សាខ្លួនឲ្យបានសេចក្តីសុខគឺជៀសវាងផលអាក្រក់ឬការអន្តរាយដល់ខ្លួនបាន។អ្នកប្រាជ្ញចង់
ប្រដៅយើងថា=
ក»ឲ្យចេះផ្លាស់ប្តូរឬកពាកិរិយាតាមកាលះទេសះគឺចេះធ្វើឬកពាឲ្យច្រឡំនឹងគេឋងតាមទីកន្លែង
នឹងតាមពេលវេលាដែលតាំងនៅកុំធ្វើឲ្យឆ្កងកុំឲ្យឈ្លើយកុំឲ្យប្លែកធ្លោដាច់គេនោះកន្លែងណា
ពេលណាត្រូវលើកខ្លួនសឹមលើកកន្លែងណាពេលណាត្រូវដាក់ខ្លួនយើងត្រូវតែដាក់ដើម្បីរក្សា
សេចក្តីសុខ។
កាលបើមានធនធានច្រើននោះក៏មិនចេះតែ«ភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃគឺបង្ហាញឬកពាឲ្យឃើញធ្លោជាដរាប
នោះទេជាហេតុនាំឲ្យគេជិនរកឲ្យគេស្អប់ឬពេបជា្រយនិយាយដើមពោលគឺនាំតែសៅហ្មងដល់ខ្លួន។
ខ»ឲ្យចេះរៀបចំតែងកាយតាមកាលះទេសះកុំឲ្យភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃឬភោភាវគ្រប់កន្លែងដូចសត្វកុសល
នោះឧបមាបើនៅស្រុកស្រែចំការរបៀបរៀបចំតែងខ្លួនក៏ឲ្យល្មមឲ្យស៊ីគ្នានឹងកន្លែងដែលយើងទៅ
អាស្រ័យដើម្បីកុំឲ្យអ្នកផងបាញ់ភ្នែកមករកយើងព្រោះតែអាការភោភាវនេះ។បើនៅក្រុងឬត្រូវចូល
ក្នុងចំណោមធំដុំនោះរបៀបស្លៀកពាក់ក៏ឲ្យមានភាពសមរម្យស៊ីគ្នានឹងទីនោះឬពេលនោះដែរ។
គ»ឲ្យចេះក្លែងខ្លួនដោយចេះផ្លាស់សំលៀកបំពាក់តាមកាលះទេសះដើម្បីជៀសវាងភយន្តរាយខ្លះ
បាន=ឧ=ឧបមាដូចយើងអ្នកមានទ្រព្យច្រើនត្រូវធ្វើដំណើរថ្លូវឆ្ងាយដោយកាត់ភូម៌កាត់ព្រៃផ្សែងនោះ
ត្រូវស្លៀកពាក់ខោអាវណាជំនុំជាមធ្យមកុំឲ្យមានមានមនុស្សខិលខូចថាយើងអ្នកមានទ្រព្យច្រើន
ហើគុំគួនធ្វើបាប។
ទាហានខ្លះកាលបើធ្វើខ្លួនឲ្យប្លែកជារបៀបអ្នកស្រែហើយក៏អាចចូលទៅបន្លំនៅក្បែរបន្ទាយសត្រូវ
បានដើម្បីស៊ីបការផ្សេងៗឬក៏ធ្វើឲ្យសត្រូវវិនាសដោយកលល្បិចរបស់ខ្លួនក៏បាន។
កាលបើផុតពីកន្លែងឬពេលដែលមានគ្រោះថ្នាក់ហើយសឹមផ្លាស់សំលៀកបំពាក់តាមធម្មតាទៅ
វិស័យដូចកុកសាប់កាលបើផុតពីកន្លែងដែលរកស៊ីឬកន្លែងដែលមានសត្រូវតែងបៀតបៀនហើយ
នោះឥតញញើតទៀតឡើយគឺបង្ហាញស្លាបសរបស់វា។
សេចក្តីបញ្ចប់
ដើម្បីធ្វើឲ្យជីវភាពរបស់ខ្លួនទទួលនូវសេចក្កីសុខកុកសាប់ជាគំរូប្រាប់ថា=កាលបើធ្វើអ្វីឲ្យពិនិត្យ
មើលកាលះទេសះគឺធ្វើអ្វីកុំឲ្យធ្លោខុសគេជានិច្ចជាកាលដូចកុកសនោះក្នុង«សុភាសិតសង្គ្រោះ
របស់«បាឡាត់»ឧត្តមលិខិតសុងស៊ីវ»នោះក៏មានចែងមកហើយដែរគឺ=កុំត្រាប់កុកស គ្មានឧបបាយ
ឲ្យត្រាប់ប្រាជ្ញប្រាយសត្វកុកសាប់ រកស៊ីកៀនកោះដោយព្រៃស្នាប់ លាក់ខ្លួនខ្លាចស្លាប់ គ្មានប្រមាថ»
៨"មួយសោតលោកថា កន្លង់នឹងផ្កា ស្ថានឆ្ងាយទីទៃ ហេតុចិត្តចង់ក្រេប ជញ្ជាបក្លិននៃ ហើរហួសច្រៀវច្រៃ រស់រកបុប្ផា»
ជនខ្លះចិត្តចង់ដឹងនូវធម៌វិន័យ ឬតាមច្បាប់ក្បួនតម្រាវិទ្យាសាស្រ្តផ្សេងៗ
គឺស្វះស្វែងជាអាចិន្រ្តិយ៏ រកអ្នកដែលមានប្រាជ្ញាដំរេះវិជ្ជាមិនថានៅឆ្ងាយ
ឬជិត ដើម្បីក្រេបជញ្ជក់យកឧជារសនៃវិជ្ជា វិស័យដូចសត្វកន្លង់ដែល
សង្វាតព្យាយាមហើរសព្វទីស្ថានដើម្បីស្កាត់រកបុប្ផា ប្រាថ្នានឹងក្រេប
ជញ្ជាបជញ្ជក់យកជាតិក្លិន នៃផ្កាទាំងឡាយនោះឋង។
៩"ទំពក់វាទៅ ទើបព្នៅវាជ្រុះ"
ទំនងតែង
សេចក្តីផ្តើម«ទំពក់វាទៅទើបព្នៅវាជ្រុស»សេចក្តីយ៉ាងខ្លីនេះមានអត្ថរសយ៉ាងសំខាន់
ដើម្បីនឹងញាំងចរិយាជនណាដែលខ្ជិលទំរង់ក្នុងកិច្ចការសព្វសារពើកុំឲ្យតែដេកចាំតែ
ព្រេងវាសនាជូនផលឲ្យ។
អត្ថនុរូបរបស់ភាសិត
បើយើងចង់បានផ្លែព្នៅដែលនៅជាប់នឹងសណ្តង់នៅឡើយយើងត្រូវខ្វល់ខ្វាយរកទំពក់
ទៅថ្ពក់ទាញយកមកទើបវាជ្រុះដើម្បីយកមកធ្វើជាចំណីរបស់យើង។
បើនៅស្ងៀមអង្គុយចាំឲ្យផ្លែព្នៅជ្រុះមកតែម្តងនោះកុំសង្ឃឹមថានឹងបានអាស្រ័យមុខជា
«អង្គុយលេបទឹកមាត់ហើយ»
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
ផ្លែព្នៅដែលយើងចង់បាននេះគឺគេចង់និយាយអំពីផលឬបំណងអ្វីមួយដែលយើងប្រាថ្នា
នឹងឲ្យបានសំរេចមកយើង។យើងមិនមែនដេកចាំឲ្យផលនេះវារត់រកយើងទេគឺត្រូវប្រឹង
ប្រែងខ្នះខ្នែងប្រើកម្លាំងកាយឬកម្លាំងចិត្តដើម្បីទៅថ្ពក់យកនោះវិស័យដូចគេខំខ្នះខ្នែងធ្វើ
ទំពក់រួចហើយខំថ្ពក់យកផ្លែព្នៅជាចំណី។
ឧទាហរណ៏១កូនសិស្សដែលប្រាថ្នាចង់បានសញ្ញាប័ត្រអ្វីមួយនោះត្រូវខំប្រឹងប្រែងរៀន
សូត្រឲ្យណាស់ព្រោះចំណេះដែលបានពីការខំនេះហើយជាទំពក់យ៉ាងមាំដើម្បីទៅថ្ពក់កាវ
យកសញ្ញាប័ត្រ។
២»មាតាបិតាទាំងឡាយបើចង់រកភរិយាឲ្យកូនប្រុសតាមច្បាប់នោះត្រូវតែគិតគូរខ្នះខ្នែងរក
គេឋងឲ្យជួយស៊ើបសួរចូលទៅដណ្តឹងដល់ម៉េឪខាងកូនស្រី។បើមិនដូច្នោះទេកូនស្រីអ្នក
មានពូជពង្សមិនងាយនឹង«ជ្រុះ»ដោយងាយទេទាល់តែមានទំពក់ទៅទើបព្នៅជ្រុះមកកុំ
សង្ឃឹមថា«គេនឹងលើកឲ្យដោយងាយនោះ។
៣»ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាដែលបានឋានះជារដ្ឋឋករាជ្យនេះក៏មិនមែនបានមកដោយគ្មានយក«
ទំពក់ទៅថ្ពក់»ដែរ។ចុះអ្វីជាទំពក់នេះ?គឺគ្មានអ្វីក្រៅពីសេចក្តីប្រឹងប្រែងរបស់សម្តេចព្រះ
បិតាឋករាជ្យជាតិទេ។ព្រះអង្គទ្រង់ប្រើព្រះនយោបាយដ៏ភ្លឺថ្លាធ្វើជាទំពក់ដើម្បីទៅទាញយក
ឋករាជ្យជូនជាតិ។
សេចក្តីបញ្ចប់
បើចង់ឲ្យបានផលអ្វីមួយដូចសេចក្តីបំណងយើងកុំនៅស្អៀមឲ្យរត់មករកនោះត្រូវចាំ
ឲ្យជាក់ថា«បើចង់ស្រួចដូចបន្លាត្រូវតែឧស្សាហ៏ដុសដែកដុលទោះមានកុសលអកុសល
កុំចាំសេសផលនោះជួយជូន»
សេចក្កីអធិប្បាយយ៉ាងសង្ខែប=
ជ័រព្នៅវាស្អិតដិតជាប់សាច់ពិបាលាងណាស់ហេតុនេះគប្បីជៀសវាងកុំឲ្យជ័រព្នៅ
ប្រឡាក់បាន។
១០«ម្នៅៗយកជ័រព្នៅមកត្បៀតក្លៀក»
ភាសិតនេះមានន័យថា
នៅសុខៗម្តេចក៏ទៅទទួលយកកិច្ចការណាមួយដែល
ដល់ទីបំផុតវាហុចផលអាក្រក់ឲ្យនាំឲ្យពិបាកចិត្តពិបាកគិតពិបាកកាយឥតមានផល
ចំណេញអ្វីដល់ខ្លួនសោះគឺនាំតែនឿយខ្លួនអសាឥតការ។
ដូចយ៉ាងរ៉ាប់រងធានាអ្នកជាប់ចោទពីបទណាមួយឬ
ទទួលបញ្ញើអ្នកណាមួយ
ដល់ថ្ងៃក្រោយមកទៀតទើបដឹងថាជារបស់ចោរឬក៏ទទួលក្មេងណាមួយ
យកមកចិញ្ចឹមបង្កើតហេតុឲ្យទាស់ទែងខ្វែងគំនិតប្តីប្រពន្ធឋង។
កាលដែលឃើញផលអាក្រក់ផុសឡើងវេលា
ណាទើបលាន់មាត់ទាំងស្តាយហើយខ្នាញ់ក្នុងចិត្តផងថា=
«ម្នៅៗយកជ័រព្នៅមកត្បៀតក្លៀក»
កាលបើដឹងដូច្នេះហើយក្នុងការអ្វីក៏ដោយមុននឹងទទួលធ្វើកប្បីពិនិត្យពិចារណារកហេតុ
ផលជាមុនដរាបឲ្យយល់ជាក់តើនឹងបានសុខឬទុក្ខទៅថ្ងៃក្រោយ៕
១១ ដំរីសារស្លាប់យកចង្អេរបាំង
ទំនងតែងនឹងសេចក្តីផ្តើម
កំហុសដែលបានប្រព្រឹត្តហើយ មិនងាយនឹងបិទបាំងឲ្យជិតឡើយ ដូច្នេះហើយ
បានជាគេតែងនិយាយចំអកឲ្យអ្នកប្រព្រឹត្តខុសថា=
«ដំរីសារស្លាប់យកចង្អេរបាំង»
អត្ថានុរូបរបស់ភាសិត
ដំរីសារគឺជាដំរីដែលធំដល់កំណត់។កាលបើដំរីនវស្លាប់គេមិនងអាចនឹងបិទបាំង
សាកអសុភ ឬក្លិនអាសោចន៏របស់វាជិតដោយយកចង្អេរមួយ ទៅប្រើការបានឡើយ
ព្រោះចង្អេរមានទំហំតូចជាងឆ្ងាយណាស់។
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
ដំរីសារស្លាប់គឺជាកំហុសអ្វីមួយយ៉ាងធំ។យកចង្អេរបាំងគឺប្រើមធ្យោបាយណាមួយ
ដែលរាក់។ទៅបិទបាំងលុបលាងកំហុសចេញ ដរាបណាដែលចង្អេរបាំងខ្មោចដំរី
ឬក្លិនសំអុយមិនជិត ដរាបនោះកលល្បិចបន្តិចបន្តួចក៏មិនអាចបាំងបាត់នូវកំហុស
ឬចំហាយអាក្រក់នៃរឿងរ៉ាង ដែលបានប្រព្រឹត្តមកហើយនោះដែរ។
ឧទាហរណ៏
កាលពីយូរឆ្នាំមកហើយមេឃុំមៀន បានឃុំឃាំងនាយស៊ុំដែលប្រព្រឹត្តបទល្មើសដោយ
ទាន់ជាស្តែង។នាយស៊ុំនេះកាលពីថ្ងៃមុនមានរឿងទាស់ទែងម្តងនឹងមេឃុំនោះឯង។
ក្នុងវេលារាត្រីស្ងាត់ មេឃុំមៀនបានចូលទៅបន្ទប់រករឿងវាយនាយស៊ុំ តែពីរបីដំបង
ស្រាប់តែស្លាប់ភ្លាម។ដើម្បីបិទបាំងកំហុសដោយខ្លួន ឲ្យរួចពីទោសភ័យនោះមេឃុំ
កំណាចដោះអាវនាយស៊ុំរួចចងកខ្មោចយ៉ាងតឹងភ្ជាប់ទៅនឹងជើងតុក្នុងបន្ទប់នោះ
តើមេឃុំគេចកែបំបែរបំបិទឯណានឹងជិត បើគរដឹងថាខ្លួនឯងជាអ្នកកាន់កូនសោបន្ទប់
បើពេទ្យពិនិត្យ ឃើញសាច់ស៊ុំជាំដោយដំបងហើយគ្មានទំនងនឹងជឿថាស៊ុំចងកខ្លួនឯង។
រឿងប៉ុនដំរីសារ យកឯការតូចប៉ុនចង្អេរទៅបាំងកុំឲ្យស្អុយ។កាលបើឃាតកម្មយ៉ាងស្តែង
ដូច្នេះហើយ មេឃុំមៀនភ័យខ្លាំងខ្លាចជាប់គុគ ក៏យក ចេកមួយស្ទងនឹងខ្នុរពីរ ទៅជូនចៅក្រម
ឲ្យគេជួយ។នរណានឹងជួយរួចបើទោសឯងប៉ុនដំរីសារហើយ យកចង្អេរទៅបាំងនោះ
គប្បីណាស់ជួលមេធាវីកត្តីទៅគ្រាន់សង្ឃឹមថានឹងបានរួចខ្លួនខ្លះ។
សំគាល់=ក)
ដំរីសារស្លាប់នេះ សំដៅយកកំហុសណាមួយយ៉ាងធំដូចសម្លាប់គេ ប្លន់គេ ចាប់ស្រីមិនទាន់
គ្រប់ការ សារុបទៅគឺបទល្មើស ទាំងឡាយដែលអាចធ្វើឲ្យអ្នកដៃដល់ជាប់គុគជាទម្ងន់
បានក្នុងច្បាប់តុលាការ។កំហុសនេះមិនងាយនឹងលុបលាងបានដោយងាយទេ ដូច្នេះ
កាលបើដឹងថាអំពើអាក្រក់ទាំងឡាយពិបាកនឹងបិទបាំងហើយ វាតែងតែហុចទុក្ខទោសមក
ដល់ខ្លួនវិញ ត្រូវតែជៀសឲ្យផុតកុំប្រព្រឹត្តឲ្យសោះទើបប្រសើរជាង។កាលបើជាថ្លស់ធ្លោយ
ធ្លាក់ខ្លួនក្រឹបក្នុងកំហុសធំនេះហើយ គប្បីរិះរកកលឧបាយយ៉ាងចំណានដើម្បីឲ្យមានកម្លាំង
ទប់ទល់កុំឲ្យជាប់គុគបាន ពោលគឺធ្វើដូចម្តេចកុំឲ្យគេចំអកបានថា«ដំរីសារស្លាប់»«
ទៅយកឯចង្អេរបាំង។
សំគាល់ខ)
ម៉្យាងទៀតពាក្យចាស់នេះ សំរាប់និយាយចំអកឡកឲ្យជនណាដែលមានញាតិ
ផៅ ប្រព្រឹត្តខុសជ្រងោហើយ ខំនិយាយដោះស្រាយនាយអាយ ដើម្បីលាក់លៀបលុប
លាងកំហុសនោះដូចយ៉ាងឪម្តាយខ្លះ ខំបិទបាំងកំហុសរបស់កូនស្រីដែលមិនមានកិរិយា
នឹងនួនសមរម្យជាស្រីគ្រប់លក្ខណា តើបិទបាំងដោយសំដីឯណានឹងជិតបើកំហុសនោះ
វាធំហើយ ចោលក្លិនអាសោចន៏បីដូចជាដំរីសារស្លាប់ទៅហើយនោះ៕
១១ គេខុសកុំអាលអរ គេសាទរកុំអាលអួត "
វគ្គទី១ ៖ គេខុសកុំអាលអរ
កាលណាបើឃើញគេប្រព្រឹត្តអ្វីខុស កុំអាលអរព្រោះក្រែងថ្ងៃណាមួយកុំហុស
នឹងធ្លាក់មកលើខ្លួនវិញ។ កាលបើឃើញគេខុសគប្បីយកកុំហុសនោះមក ពិ
ចារណាត្រិះរិះរកហេតុផលឲ្យឃើញ ដើម្បីជាគតិនាំយើងឲ្យជៀសវាងនូវកំហុស
នោះ ឬបើពុំនោះសោត គប្បីដាស់តឿនពន្យល់អ្នកប្រព្រឹត្តខុសឲ្យកែប្រែគំនិតមារ
យាទចេញដម្បីសេចក្តីចំរើនដល់មនុស្សជាតិ។
វគ្គទី២៖គេសាទរកុំអាលអួត
កាលបើឃើញគេសាទរ គឺត្រេកអររួសរាយរាក់ទាក់មករកយើងនោះ កុំអាលអួត
សរសើរគេភ្លាម ព្រោះមានមនុស្សខ្លះ សំដីល្អរាក់ទាក់មែន តែចិត្តគ្មានស្មោះសល្អ
ស្អាតទេ ជូនកាលគេប្រើវាចាកិរិយារាក់ទាក់ ដើម្បីជាធ្នាក់ទាក់យកផលប្រយោជន៏
របស់គេក្នុងការផ្សេងៗ ។
ដែលនឹងអួតសរសើរថាល្អបាន ល្អឹកណាតែពិនិត្តសង្កេត ក្នុងពេលដ៏យូរ។ កាលបើ
សង្កេតឃើញច្រើនដងច្រើនគ្រា ថាគេត្រេកអរសាទរដោយ ស្មោះចំពោះនោះគប្បី
អួតសរសើរថា ល្អចុះ ៕
គឺជាអ្នកល្អត្រឹមត្រូវមានពាហនះអ្នកដែលមិននៅខ្ញុំកញ្ជះគឹត្រូវឲ្យចេះ«គិតគូរការកេរ្ត៏អាទិ»
គឺការពារពីដើមឲ្យបានល្អគង់វង់តរៀងទៅ។
ឋកេរ្ត៏នេះរស់ដោយយក=
១»កេរ្ត៏មត៌ក=ពោលគឺទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិដែលទទួលពីម៉ែឪដូនតាមក
២»កត្តិនាម=ល្អដែលធ្លាប់មានពីបុព្វបុរសរបស់យើងមកហើយពោលគឺ
«កេរ្ត៏ឈ្មោះជាអ្នកជានោះឋង៕
៥ "ផ្លូវវៀចកុំបោះបង់ ផ្លូវណាត្រង់កុំដើរហោង"
សេចក្កីនេះសំរាប់រំឮកដល់អ្នកជំនួញជួញព្រៃគ្រប់ឋានះនឹងអ្នកធ្វើនយោបាយផ្សេងៗ។
១»ក្នុងការធ្វើជំនួញ កាលបើកាន់សច្ចះពេកក៏គ្មានចំណេញដែរត្រូវឲ្យវៀចខ្លះ ឋវៀចនេះ
មិនមេនបំបាត់ប្រវញ្ជ័ថ្លឹងខ្វះភ្នែកជញ្ជីង ឬជៀសវាងបំបាត់ពន្ធគយឲ្យតែខាងចំណេញស្មើរដើម
ក៏មិនត្រូវប្រាប់គេត្រង់បើទុកជាចំណេញក្នុងមួយឆ្នាំរាប់ហ្មឺនប្រាក់ ក៏កុំនិយាយប្រាប់ពាណិជឋទៀត
ឲ្យត្រង់អស់ពីពោះ ព្រោះកាលបើគេឃើញចំណេញ ច្រើនក្នុងមុខជំនួញណាមួយគេប្រាថ្នារកជំនួញ
នោះដែរនាំឲ្យលាភរបស់យើងថយទៅវិញឬជំពប់អស់រលីងទៅវិញក៏មាន។
២» ក្នុងការធ្វើនយោបាយ តែដើរតាមផ្លូវត្រង់ គេនឹងស្គាល់« ពោះវៀន»យើងគឺស្កាល់ចិត្តគំនិតយើងទាំងអស់។
កុំភ្លេចឡើយពាក្យចាស់លោកថា» ស្លូតស្លាប់វៀចវេរ មានភ័ព្វអាយុយឺនយូរ »
៦"លោកថាល្វាផង សម្បកក្រៅហោង ភ្លឺផ្លេកយល់យង់ រីឋក្នុងផ្លែ សឹងតែមមង់ ក្រាស់ក្រៃនៅក្នុង នោះហោងលោកថា»
សេចក្តីអធិប្បាយជាគំរូ
ដោយសង្កេតឃើញថា នៅនាលោកនេះមានមនុស្សមានច្រើនសណ្ឋាន «ខ្លះវៀចខ្លះត្រង់ ខ្លះខ្លៅសាមាន្យ« ទើបបុរាណបណ្ឌិតព្រឹទ្ធាចារ្យចងជាបញ្ហាទុកក្នុងច្បាប់កូនចៅថា=
«លោកថាល្វាហោង សម្បកក្រៅហោង ភ្លឺផ្លេកយល់យង់ រីឋក្នុងផ្លែសឹកតែមមង់ ក្រាស់ក្រៃ
នៅក្នុង នោះហោងលោកថា»។
ឋផ្លែល្វាកាលណាដែលទុំឡើងមានពណ៌ក្រហមរលោងមានសម្បករលីងស្រស់រលើប
គួរឲ្យស្រើបស្រាលត្រេកត្រអាលចង់បេះប្រឡះយកមកកាន់យកមកភ្លក់អាស្រ័យណាស់
ប៉ុន្តែក្នុងផ្លែមានសុទ្ធតែសត្វមមង់វារុករវើកពាសពេញតាមចន្លោះសាច់ល្វានោះគួរឲ្យខ្ពើម
រអើមជៀសវាងរាងចាលលែងហ៊ានហែកកាន់មើលទៀត។
ឋផ្លែល្វាដែលល្អល្អះតែក្រៅនេះលោកប្រៀបធៀបទៅមនុស្សណាដែលមានរូបឆោមលោម
ពណ៌សាច់សល្អសមស្អាតស្អំស្រស់បំប្រិមពុំទាស់ភ្នែកអ្នកដ៏ទៃក៏ប៉ុន្តែមនុស្សនោះឋងមានចិត្ត
ល្អក់អាក្រក់ពេកឬក៏មានឬកពាឥរិយាមិនសមរម្យជាហេតុធ្វើឲ្យអា្នកផងទាំងពួងស្អប់ខ្ពើមទៅវិញ។
ប៉ុន្តែពាក្យអ្នកប្រាជ្ញនេះមិនមែនសំដៅទៅលើតែមនុស្សណាដែលមានរូបឆោមរាងរាងកាយឆើត
ឆាយដូចបានអធិប្បាយមកហើយនោះទេលោកប្រៀបប្រដូចផ្លែល្វាទៅនឹងជនណាដែលមានសំដី
វាចាផ្អែមពិរោះគួរឲ្យអ្នកផងទាំងពួងទុកចិត្តចូលជិតរើសយកជាមិត្រស្និទ្ធស្នាលរាប់អានជាស្ពាន
មេត្រីដោយស្តាប់ពាក្យសំដីថាប្រហែលជាមនុស្សនោះល្អបរិសុទ្ធត្រឹមត្រូវកាន់ផ្លូវត្រង់មែនប៉ុន្តែ
មនុស្សសំដីល្អនេះច្រើនមានចិត្តល្អក់អាក្រក់ជាប់ហេតុនេះបានចាអ្នកប្រាជ្ញបន្ថែមសេចក្តីថា=
«អ្នកមួយចែចូវរអែរអូវវៀចវេរឬស្យាបញ្ចើចបញ្ជើពាក្យពើមាយាដូចកលផ្លែល្វាល្អល្អះតែក្រៅ»
សេចក្តីដែលមានសាធកះមកហើយនេះឃើញថាត្រូវមែនហើយប៉ុន្តែយើងនឹគថាមនុស្សណា
ដែលល្អតែមាត់ក្រៅហើយចិត្តសុទ្ធតែខ្លៅអាក្រក់់វៀចវេរឬស្យាទាំងអស់នោះក៏មិនមែនដែរ
ដ្បិតមានខ្លះសំដីល្អចិត្តក៏ល្អដូចផ្លែឈើខ្លះល្អឃាងក្រៅហើយមានទាំងឧជារសផ្អែមឆ្អាញ់ពីសាផង
ប៉ុន្តែយើងប្រទះឃើញថាក្នុងលោកនេះម្រមានមនុស្សដែលមានសំដីល្អហើយមានចិត្តល្អផងនោះ
ណាស់ច្រើនតែមនុស្សសំដីផ្អែមចេះបញ្ចើចចបញ្ចើហើមានចិត្តអាក្រក់។
ធម្មតាមនុស្សអាក្រក់ច្រើនវាចាវោហាផ្អែមពីរោះមករកយើងដើម្បីឲ្យយើងទុកចិត្តអស់ពីពោះថាវាល្អ
មនុស្សជំពូកនេះកុំសូវទុកចិត្តវាកុំយកធ្វើចាគ្នាថ្ងៃក្រោយមិនយូរមិនឆប់វានឹង«ត្បកក្បាល»
យើងវិញមិនខាន។
«ក្អែកនឹងកញ្ច្រោង»ឬមាន់នឹងកញ្ច្រោង»របស់កវីបណ្ឌិតឡាយហ្វុងដែលបានលើកទុកជិត២០
សតវត្ស៏មកហើយ
ចុះកញ្ច្រោងវាធ្វើយ៉ាងដូចម្តេចនឹងបាននំពីក្អែកឬមាន់ជាអាហារវា?
ចូរយើងកុំឆ្អល់ឲ្យសោះពាក្យបញ្ចើចបញ្ចើដោយប្រើសំដីផ្អែមល្ហែមត្រជាក់នេះហើយជានុយ
បបោសអង្អែលចិត្តឲ្យក្អែកគិតថាពិតជាពាក្យត្រង់ក៏ហាមាត់និយាយឡើងធ្លាក់ឋនំទៅដីបានចំ
ណីនៃកញ្ច្រោងទៅវិញ។ឋមាន់វិញក៏ស្លាប់ខ្លួនពីព្រោះតែឮកញ្ច្រោងនិយាយបញ្ជោរដោយពាក្យ
ផ្អែមពីរោះគួរទុកចិត្តពន់ពេកណាស់។
ក្នុងរឿងមួយទៀតរបស់«ម៉ូលីយារ៏»មាននិទានថា=នាម៊ីនម្នាក់ឈ្មោះលោក«ដូរង់ចង់ទៅបោកប្រាស់អ្នកមានទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិម្នាក់ឈ្មោះ«ហ្សូរដាំង»
លោកដូរង់ស្អប់ហ្សូរដាំងពេកប៉ុន្តែដោយលោកខ្វះប្រាក់ចាយលោកក៏ធ្វើជារាប់អានហ្សូរដាំងទៅ
លោកនិយាយប្រាប់ហ្សូរដាំងថា=គ្មានស្រឡាញ់នរណាជាងហ្សូរដាំងទេលោកកុហកថាលោកបាន
ទៅនិយាយនៅក្នុងចំណោមសរសើរពីហ្សូរដាំងជាច្រើនដងលោកថានឹងរកមនុស្សណាឲ្យវិនាស
ជាងហ្សូរដាំងក៏គ្មានឋពាក្យលោកទាំងប៉ុន្មានសុទ្ធតែបញ្ជោរបោកប្រាស់ទេប៉ន្តែពីរោះផ្អែមហាក់
បីដូចជារឿងនោះពិតមែនគូរឲ្តហ្សូរដាំង«ត្រចៀកស្រាល»ទុកចិត្តពេក។
ចូលយើងពិចារណាមើលចុះក្នុងរឿងទាំងពីរនេះសត្វកញ្ជ្រោងនឹងលោកដូរង់មានសំដីផ្អែមពី
រោះតែមាត់ក្រៅឋចិត្តសឹងតែអាក្រក់វៀចវេរចង់បំផ្លាញគេឲ្យវិនាសោះវិស័យដូចផ្លែល្វាដែលល្អ
«ភ្លឺផ្លេក»តែសម្បកហើខាងក្នុងសុទ្ធតែមមង់ដែរ។
យើងមិនត្រូវទកចិត្តមនុស្សណាដែលយើងមិនស្គាល់ឲ្យច្បាស់លាស់ឡើយដ្បិតមនុស្សមានច្រើន
សណ្ឋានណាស់ខ្លះ«ចិត្តចាទេវទត្តមាត់ដូចទេវតា»ខ្លះទៀត«អាក្រក់តែមាត់ចិត្តដូចទេវតា»
ហេតុនេះហើយបានជាក្នុងច្បាប់កូនចៅដដែលនេះលោកបានបន្ថែមថា=
រីសោតខ្នុរណាំង សម្បកស្តោកស្គាំង បន្លាច្រូងនៅ ឋក្នុងសឹងក្លែប ក្រអែបផ្អែមទៅ
ទាល់ក្នុងឥតសៅ រសសឹងពីសា»
៧"លោកថាឲ្យត្រាប់ នូវសត្វកុកសាប់ អំពើប្រពៃ កុំត្រាប់កុសល ភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃ ហើរទំអាស្រួ័យ ពុំប្លែកប្លែងប្រាណ»
សេចក្តីផ្តើម
ដើម្បីរស់នៅក្នុងសង្គមជនឲ្យបានសុខសាន្តរៀងរាបទៅត្រូវខំធ្វើខ្លួនឲ្យប្រាសចាកពា្យនិន្ទា
ទាំងឡាយនឹងភយន្តរាយគ្រប់ប្រការដោយព្យាយាមត្រិះរិះពិចារណាឲ្យយល់អស់អាថនួវ
ពាក្យឪវាទនឹងក្បួនតម្រាសុភាសិតដែលបណ្ឌិតចារបែងសេចក្តីដើម្បីជាគតិលោកទៅកាន់
ស្ថានសុខដូចយ៉ាងក្នុងច្បាប់កូនចៅលោកប្រដៅថា=ឲ្យត្រាប់នូវសត្វកុកសាប់អំពើប្រពៃ
កុំត្រាប់កុំសលភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃហើរទំអាស្រ័យពុំប្លែកប្លែងប្រាណ»
អត្ថានុរូបរបស់ភាសិត
វគ្គទី១
លោកថាឲ្យត្រាប់នូវសត្វនូវសត្វកុកសាប់អំពើប្រពៃ»
កាលបើកុកសាប់ចុះទៅរកទំឬរកស៊ីនៅទីណាដូចជាទំនៅលើមេឃឈើឬចុះស៊ីនៅវាលស្រែ
ឬក្នុងថ្លុកដ៏មានភក់ក្រខ្វក់ជាដើមនោះគេឃើញស្លាបដែលស្រោបកាយរបស់វាមានព៌ណប្រផេះ
ឬសម្បុរត្រសក់ស្រដៀងគ្នានឹងព៌ណភក់ឬព៌ណស្លឹកឈើដែរ។ផ្ទុយពីនេះវិញូកាលបើកុកសាប់
ហិចហើរធើដំណើរក្នងវេហាស៏ដែជាទីស្ងាតស្រឡះល្អនោះគេឃើញស្លាបដែលលាតត្រដាង
ឡើងមានព៌ណសស្កុសដូចសំឡី។
វគ្គទី២»
មិនថានៅទីណាពលណាទាំងថ្ងៃទាំងយប់គ្រប់ដំបន់កុសលឥតប្រែប្រួលផ្លាស់ប្តូរព៌ណ
ស្លាបដូចកុកសាប់ឡើយ។ព៌ណសដរាបនេះអាចទាញភ្នែកអ្នកទាំងពួងមានព្រានបរបាញ់ជាដើម
ឲ្យត្រឡេកមើលស្គាល់ថាជាកុកភ្លាម។មិនចាំបាច់ពិមិត្យយូរផង។កាលដែលហើរដែលទំអាស្រ័យ
មិន«ប្លែកប្លែងប្រាណ»គឺមិនមានប្លែកគ្រឿងសំកាល់ក្រៅបានតែទទួលនូវផលអាក្រក់ផ្សេងៗ
មិនខានជូនកាលវិនាសអន្តរាយដល់ខ្លួនក៏បាន។
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
អ្នកប្រាជ្ញទូន្មានថាឲ្យធ្វើតាមសត្វកុកសាប់វិញ«អំពើដ៏ប្រពៃ។
យើងឃើញថាកុកសាប់ចេះផ្លាស់ព៌ណសម្បុរតាមទីកន្លែងតាមពេលវេលា(ព្រោះពេលយប់កុក
សាប់ក៏ត្រូវគ្របដណ្តប់កាយដោយស្លាបប្រផេះដែរ)ដើម្បីកុំឲ្យគេឆាប់ចាប់ភ្នែកទៅរកវាដើម្បី
រក្សាខ្លួនឲ្យបានសេចក្តីសុខគឺជៀសវាងផលអាក្រក់ឬការអន្តរាយដល់ខ្លួនបាន។អ្នកប្រាជ្ញចង់
ប្រដៅយើងថា=
ក»ឲ្យចេះផ្លាស់ប្តូរឬកពាកិរិយាតាមកាលះទេសះគឺចេះធ្វើឬកពាឲ្យច្រឡំនឹងគេឋងតាមទីកន្លែង
នឹងតាមពេលវេលាដែលតាំងនៅកុំធ្វើឲ្យឆ្កងកុំឲ្យឈ្លើយកុំឲ្យប្លែកធ្លោដាច់គេនោះកន្លែងណា
ពេលណាត្រូវលើកខ្លួនសឹមលើកកន្លែងណាពេលណាត្រូវដាក់ខ្លួនយើងត្រូវតែដាក់ដើម្បីរក្សា
សេចក្តីសុខ។
កាលបើមានធនធានច្រើននោះក៏មិនចេះតែ«ភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃគឺបង្ហាញឬកពាឲ្យឃើញធ្លោជាដរាប
នោះទេជាហេតុនាំឲ្យគេជិនរកឲ្យគេស្អប់ឬពេបជា្រយនិយាយដើមពោលគឺនាំតែសៅហ្មងដល់ខ្លួន។
ខ»ឲ្យចេះរៀបចំតែងកាយតាមកាលះទេសះកុំឲ្យភោភាវសព្វថ្ងៃឬភោភាវគ្រប់កន្លែងដូចសត្វកុសល
នោះឧបមាបើនៅស្រុកស្រែចំការរបៀបរៀបចំតែងខ្លួនក៏ឲ្យល្មមឲ្យស៊ីគ្នានឹងកន្លែងដែលយើងទៅ
អាស្រ័យដើម្បីកុំឲ្យអ្នកផងបាញ់ភ្នែកមករកយើងព្រោះតែអាការភោភាវនេះ។បើនៅក្រុងឬត្រូវចូល
ក្នុងចំណោមធំដុំនោះរបៀបស្លៀកពាក់ក៏ឲ្យមានភាពសមរម្យស៊ីគ្នានឹងទីនោះឬពេលនោះដែរ។
គ»ឲ្យចេះក្លែងខ្លួនដោយចេះផ្លាស់សំលៀកបំពាក់តាមកាលះទេសះដើម្បីជៀសវាងភយន្តរាយខ្លះ
បាន=ឧ=ឧបមាដូចយើងអ្នកមានទ្រព្យច្រើនត្រូវធ្វើដំណើរថ្លូវឆ្ងាយដោយកាត់ភូម៌កាត់ព្រៃផ្សែងនោះ
ត្រូវស្លៀកពាក់ខោអាវណាជំនុំជាមធ្យមកុំឲ្យមានមានមនុស្សខិលខូចថាយើងអ្នកមានទ្រព្យច្រើន
ហើគុំគួនធ្វើបាប។
ទាហានខ្លះកាលបើធ្វើខ្លួនឲ្យប្លែកជារបៀបអ្នកស្រែហើយក៏អាចចូលទៅបន្លំនៅក្បែរបន្ទាយសត្រូវ
បានដើម្បីស៊ីបការផ្សេងៗឬក៏ធ្វើឲ្យសត្រូវវិនាសដោយកលល្បិចរបស់ខ្លួនក៏បាន។
កាលបើផុតពីកន្លែងឬពេលដែលមានគ្រោះថ្នាក់ហើយសឹមផ្លាស់សំលៀកបំពាក់តាមធម្មតាទៅ
វិស័យដូចកុកសាប់កាលបើផុតពីកន្លែងដែលរកស៊ីឬកន្លែងដែលមានសត្រូវតែងបៀតបៀនហើយ
នោះឥតញញើតទៀតឡើយគឺបង្ហាញស្លាបសរបស់វា។
សេចក្តីបញ្ចប់
ដើម្បីធ្វើឲ្យជីវភាពរបស់ខ្លួនទទួលនូវសេចក្កីសុខកុកសាប់ជាគំរូប្រាប់ថា=កាលបើធ្វើអ្វីឲ្យពិនិត្យ
មើលកាលះទេសះគឺធ្វើអ្វីកុំឲ្យធ្លោខុសគេជានិច្ចជាកាលដូចកុកសនោះក្នុង«សុភាសិតសង្គ្រោះ
របស់«បាឡាត់»ឧត្តមលិខិតសុងស៊ីវ»នោះក៏មានចែងមកហើយដែរគឺ=កុំត្រាប់កុកស គ្មានឧបបាយ
ឲ្យត្រាប់ប្រាជ្ញប្រាយសត្វកុកសាប់ រកស៊ីកៀនកោះដោយព្រៃស្នាប់ លាក់ខ្លួនខ្លាចស្លាប់ គ្មានប្រមាថ»
៨"មួយសោតលោកថា កន្លង់នឹងផ្កា ស្ថានឆ្ងាយទីទៃ ហេតុចិត្តចង់ក្រេប ជញ្ជាបក្លិននៃ ហើរហួសច្រៀវច្រៃ រស់រកបុប្ផា»
ជនខ្លះចិត្តចង់ដឹងនូវធម៌វិន័យ ឬតាមច្បាប់ក្បួនតម្រាវិទ្យាសាស្រ្តផ្សេងៗ
គឺស្វះស្វែងជាអាចិន្រ្តិយ៏ រកអ្នកដែលមានប្រាជ្ញាដំរេះវិជ្ជាមិនថានៅឆ្ងាយ
ឬជិត ដើម្បីក្រេបជញ្ជក់យកឧជារសនៃវិជ្ជា វិស័យដូចសត្វកន្លង់ដែល
សង្វាតព្យាយាមហើរសព្វទីស្ថានដើម្បីស្កាត់រកបុប្ផា ប្រាថ្នានឹងក្រេប
ជញ្ជាបជញ្ជក់យកជាតិក្លិន នៃផ្កាទាំងឡាយនោះឋង។
៩"ទំពក់វាទៅ ទើបព្នៅវាជ្រុះ"
ទំនងតែង
សេចក្តីផ្តើម«ទំពក់វាទៅទើបព្នៅវាជ្រុស»សេចក្តីយ៉ាងខ្លីនេះមានអត្ថរសយ៉ាងសំខាន់
ដើម្បីនឹងញាំងចរិយាជនណាដែលខ្ជិលទំរង់ក្នុងកិច្ចការសព្វសារពើកុំឲ្យតែដេកចាំតែ
ព្រេងវាសនាជូនផលឲ្យ។
អត្ថនុរូបរបស់ភាសិត
បើយើងចង់បានផ្លែព្នៅដែលនៅជាប់នឹងសណ្តង់នៅឡើយយើងត្រូវខ្វល់ខ្វាយរកទំពក់
ទៅថ្ពក់ទាញយកមកទើបវាជ្រុះដើម្បីយកមកធ្វើជាចំណីរបស់យើង។
បើនៅស្ងៀមអង្គុយចាំឲ្យផ្លែព្នៅជ្រុះមកតែម្តងនោះកុំសង្ឃឹមថានឹងបានអាស្រ័យមុខជា
«អង្គុយលេបទឹកមាត់ហើយ»
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
ផ្លែព្នៅដែលយើងចង់បាននេះគឺគេចង់និយាយអំពីផលឬបំណងអ្វីមួយដែលយើងប្រាថ្នា
នឹងឲ្យបានសំរេចមកយើង។យើងមិនមែនដេកចាំឲ្យផលនេះវារត់រកយើងទេគឺត្រូវប្រឹង
ប្រែងខ្នះខ្នែងប្រើកម្លាំងកាយឬកម្លាំងចិត្តដើម្បីទៅថ្ពក់យកនោះវិស័យដូចគេខំខ្នះខ្នែងធ្វើ
ទំពក់រួចហើយខំថ្ពក់យកផ្លែព្នៅជាចំណី។
ឧទាហរណ៏១កូនសិស្សដែលប្រាថ្នាចង់បានសញ្ញាប័ត្រអ្វីមួយនោះត្រូវខំប្រឹងប្រែងរៀន
សូត្រឲ្យណាស់ព្រោះចំណេះដែលបានពីការខំនេះហើយជាទំពក់យ៉ាងមាំដើម្បីទៅថ្ពក់កាវ
យកសញ្ញាប័ត្រ។
២»មាតាបិតាទាំងឡាយបើចង់រកភរិយាឲ្យកូនប្រុសតាមច្បាប់នោះត្រូវតែគិតគូរខ្នះខ្នែងរក
គេឋងឲ្យជួយស៊ើបសួរចូលទៅដណ្តឹងដល់ម៉េឪខាងកូនស្រី។បើមិនដូច្នោះទេកូនស្រីអ្នក
មានពូជពង្សមិនងាយនឹង«ជ្រុះ»ដោយងាយទេទាល់តែមានទំពក់ទៅទើបព្នៅជ្រុះមកកុំ
សង្ឃឹមថា«គេនឹងលើកឲ្យដោយងាយនោះ។
៣»ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាដែលបានឋានះជារដ្ឋឋករាជ្យនេះក៏មិនមែនបានមកដោយគ្មានយក«
ទំពក់ទៅថ្ពក់»ដែរ។ចុះអ្វីជាទំពក់នេះ?គឺគ្មានអ្វីក្រៅពីសេចក្តីប្រឹងប្រែងរបស់សម្តេចព្រះ
បិតាឋករាជ្យជាតិទេ។ព្រះអង្គទ្រង់ប្រើព្រះនយោបាយដ៏ភ្លឺថ្លាធ្វើជាទំពក់ដើម្បីទៅទាញយក
ឋករាជ្យជូនជាតិ។
សេចក្តីបញ្ចប់
បើចង់ឲ្យបានផលអ្វីមួយដូចសេចក្តីបំណងយើងកុំនៅស្អៀមឲ្យរត់មករកនោះត្រូវចាំ
ឲ្យជាក់ថា«បើចង់ស្រួចដូចបន្លាត្រូវតែឧស្សាហ៏ដុសដែកដុលទោះមានកុសលអកុសល
កុំចាំសេសផលនោះជួយជូន»
សេចក្កីអធិប្បាយយ៉ាងសង្ខែប=
ជ័រព្នៅវាស្អិតដិតជាប់សាច់ពិបាលាងណាស់ហេតុនេះគប្បីជៀសវាងកុំឲ្យជ័រព្នៅ
ប្រឡាក់បាន។
១០«ម្នៅៗយកជ័រព្នៅមកត្បៀតក្លៀក»
ភាសិតនេះមានន័យថា
នៅសុខៗម្តេចក៏ទៅទទួលយកកិច្ចការណាមួយដែល
ដល់ទីបំផុតវាហុចផលអាក្រក់ឲ្យនាំឲ្យពិបាកចិត្តពិបាកគិតពិបាកកាយឥតមានផល
ចំណេញអ្វីដល់ខ្លួនសោះគឺនាំតែនឿយខ្លួនអសាឥតការ។
ដូចយ៉ាងរ៉ាប់រងធានាអ្នកជាប់ចោទពីបទណាមួយឬ
ទទួលបញ្ញើអ្នកណាមួយ
ដល់ថ្ងៃក្រោយមកទៀតទើបដឹងថាជារបស់ចោរឬក៏ទទួលក្មេងណាមួយ
យកមកចិញ្ចឹមបង្កើតហេតុឲ្យទាស់ទែងខ្វែងគំនិតប្តីប្រពន្ធឋង។
កាលដែលឃើញផលអាក្រក់ផុសឡើងវេលា
ណាទើបលាន់មាត់ទាំងស្តាយហើយខ្នាញ់ក្នុងចិត្តផងថា=
«ម្នៅៗយកជ័រព្នៅមកត្បៀតក្លៀក»
កាលបើដឹងដូច្នេះហើយក្នុងការអ្វីក៏ដោយមុននឹងទទួលធ្វើកប្បីពិនិត្យពិចារណារកហេតុ
ផលជាមុនដរាបឲ្យយល់ជាក់តើនឹងបានសុខឬទុក្ខទៅថ្ងៃក្រោយ៕
១១ ដំរីសារស្លាប់យកចង្អេរបាំង
ទំនងតែងនឹងសេចក្តីផ្តើម
កំហុសដែលបានប្រព្រឹត្តហើយ មិនងាយនឹងបិទបាំងឲ្យជិតឡើយ ដូច្នេះហើយ
បានជាគេតែងនិយាយចំអកឲ្យអ្នកប្រព្រឹត្តខុសថា=
«ដំរីសារស្លាប់យកចង្អេរបាំង»
អត្ថានុរូបរបស់ភាសិត
ដំរីសារគឺជាដំរីដែលធំដល់កំណត់។កាលបើដំរីនវស្លាប់គេមិនងអាចនឹងបិទបាំង
សាកអសុភ ឬក្លិនអាសោចន៏របស់វាជិតដោយយកចង្អេរមួយ ទៅប្រើការបានឡើយ
ព្រោះចង្អេរមានទំហំតូចជាងឆ្ងាយណាស់។
អត្ថបដិរូបរបស់ភាសិត
ដំរីសារស្លាប់គឺជាកំហុសអ្វីមួយយ៉ាងធំ។យកចង្អេរបាំងគឺប្រើមធ្យោបាយណាមួយ
ដែលរាក់។ទៅបិទបាំងលុបលាងកំហុសចេញ ដរាបណាដែលចង្អេរបាំងខ្មោចដំរី
ឬក្លិនសំអុយមិនជិត ដរាបនោះកលល្បិចបន្តិចបន្តួចក៏មិនអាចបាំងបាត់នូវកំហុស
ឬចំហាយអាក្រក់នៃរឿងរ៉ាង ដែលបានប្រព្រឹត្តមកហើយនោះដែរ។
ឧទាហរណ៏
កាលពីយូរឆ្នាំមកហើយមេឃុំមៀន បានឃុំឃាំងនាយស៊ុំដែលប្រព្រឹត្តបទល្មើសដោយ
ទាន់ជាស្តែង។នាយស៊ុំនេះកាលពីថ្ងៃមុនមានរឿងទាស់ទែងម្តងនឹងមេឃុំនោះឯង។
ក្នុងវេលារាត្រីស្ងាត់ មេឃុំមៀនបានចូលទៅបន្ទប់រករឿងវាយនាយស៊ុំ តែពីរបីដំបង
ស្រាប់តែស្លាប់ភ្លាម។ដើម្បីបិទបាំងកំហុសដោយខ្លួន ឲ្យរួចពីទោសភ័យនោះមេឃុំ
កំណាចដោះអាវនាយស៊ុំរួចចងកខ្មោចយ៉ាងតឹងភ្ជាប់ទៅនឹងជើងតុក្នុងបន្ទប់នោះ
តើមេឃុំគេចកែបំបែរបំបិទឯណានឹងជិត បើគរដឹងថាខ្លួនឯងជាអ្នកកាន់កូនសោបន្ទប់
បើពេទ្យពិនិត្យ ឃើញសាច់ស៊ុំជាំដោយដំបងហើយគ្មានទំនងនឹងជឿថាស៊ុំចងកខ្លួនឯង។
រឿងប៉ុនដំរីសារ យកឯការតូចប៉ុនចង្អេរទៅបាំងកុំឲ្យស្អុយ។កាលបើឃាតកម្មយ៉ាងស្តែង
ដូច្នេះហើយ មេឃុំមៀនភ័យខ្លាំងខ្លាចជាប់គុគ ក៏យក ចេកមួយស្ទងនឹងខ្នុរពីរ ទៅជូនចៅក្រម
ឲ្យគេជួយ។នរណានឹងជួយរួចបើទោសឯងប៉ុនដំរីសារហើយ យកចង្អេរទៅបាំងនោះ
គប្បីណាស់ជួលមេធាវីកត្តីទៅគ្រាន់សង្ឃឹមថានឹងបានរួចខ្លួនខ្លះ។
សំគាល់=ក)
ដំរីសារស្លាប់នេះ សំដៅយកកំហុសណាមួយយ៉ាងធំដូចសម្លាប់គេ ប្លន់គេ ចាប់ស្រីមិនទាន់
គ្រប់ការ សារុបទៅគឺបទល្មើស ទាំងឡាយដែលអាចធ្វើឲ្យអ្នកដៃដល់ជាប់គុគជាទម្ងន់
បានក្នុងច្បាប់តុលាការ។កំហុសនេះមិនងាយនឹងលុបលាងបានដោយងាយទេ ដូច្នេះ
កាលបើដឹងថាអំពើអាក្រក់ទាំងឡាយពិបាកនឹងបិទបាំងហើយ វាតែងតែហុចទុក្ខទោសមក
ដល់ខ្លួនវិញ ត្រូវតែជៀសឲ្យផុតកុំប្រព្រឹត្តឲ្យសោះទើបប្រសើរជាង។កាលបើជាថ្លស់ធ្លោយ
ធ្លាក់ខ្លួនក្រឹបក្នុងកំហុសធំនេះហើយ គប្បីរិះរកកលឧបាយយ៉ាងចំណានដើម្បីឲ្យមានកម្លាំង
ទប់ទល់កុំឲ្យជាប់គុគបាន ពោលគឺធ្វើដូចម្តេចកុំឲ្យគេចំអកបានថា«ដំរីសារស្លាប់»«
ទៅយកឯចង្អេរបាំង។
សំគាល់ខ)
ម៉្យាងទៀតពាក្យចាស់នេះ សំរាប់និយាយចំអកឡកឲ្យជនណាដែលមានញាតិ
ផៅ ប្រព្រឹត្តខុសជ្រងោហើយ ខំនិយាយដោះស្រាយនាយអាយ ដើម្បីលាក់លៀបលុប
លាងកំហុសនោះដូចយ៉ាងឪម្តាយខ្លះ ខំបិទបាំងកំហុសរបស់កូនស្រីដែលមិនមានកិរិយា
នឹងនួនសមរម្យជាស្រីគ្រប់លក្ខណា តើបិទបាំងដោយសំដីឯណានឹងជិតបើកំហុសនោះ
វាធំហើយ ចោលក្លិនអាសោចន៏បីដូចជាដំរីសារស្លាប់ទៅហើយនោះ៕
១១ គេខុសកុំអាលអរ គេសាទរកុំអាលអួត "
វគ្គទី១ ៖ គេខុសកុំអាលអរ
កាលណាបើឃើញគេប្រព្រឹត្តអ្វីខុស កុំអាលអរព្រោះក្រែងថ្ងៃណាមួយកុំហុស
នឹងធ្លាក់មកលើខ្លួនវិញ។ កាលបើឃើញគេខុសគប្បីយកកុំហុសនោះមក ពិ
ចារណាត្រិះរិះរកហេតុផលឲ្យឃើញ ដើម្បីជាគតិនាំយើងឲ្យជៀសវាងនូវកំហុស
នោះ ឬបើពុំនោះសោត គប្បីដាស់តឿនពន្យល់អ្នកប្រព្រឹត្តខុសឲ្យកែប្រែគំនិតមារ
យាទចេញដម្បីសេចក្តីចំរើនដល់មនុស្សជាតិ។
វគ្គទី២៖គេសាទរកុំអាលអួត
កាលបើឃើញគេសាទរ គឺត្រេកអររួសរាយរាក់ទាក់មករកយើងនោះ កុំអាលអួត
សរសើរគេភ្លាម ព្រោះមានមនុស្សខ្លះ សំដីល្អរាក់ទាក់មែន តែចិត្តគ្មានស្មោះសល្អ
ស្អាតទេ ជូនកាលគេប្រើវាចាកិរិយារាក់ទាក់ ដើម្បីជាធ្នាក់ទាក់យកផលប្រយោជន៏
របស់គេក្នុងការផ្សេងៗ ។
ដែលនឹងអួតសរសើរថាល្អបាន ល្អឹកណាតែពិនិត្តសង្កេត ក្នុងពេលដ៏យូរ។ កាលបើ
សង្កេតឃើញច្រើនដងច្រើនគ្រា ថាគេត្រេកអរសាទរដោយ ស្មោះចំពោះនោះគប្បី
អួតសរសើរថា ល្អចុះ ៕
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